Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
141
Introduction
Traditionally associated with Viking Age mythology,
the eddic poems also take a keen interest in
various legal procedures, which were applied in order
to settle various disputes. In this paper, the focus
will be on oaths, and a fine example is found in the
Lay of Volund, where Volund, prince of the elves and
smith extraordinaire, was captured and held prisoner
by Nidud, a king among the Swedish people. In revenge,
Volund killed the king’s two young sons and
impregnated Bodvild, the king’s daughter. Before
Volund was willing to tell what became of the boys,
King Nidud had to swear oaths that he would not
harm Bodvild (Table 1). King Nidud’s oath is also
an example of how an oath may be sworn in the real
world, and this statement will be further elaborated
below. King Nidud’s oath involved a formulaic
swearing:
at scips borði /oc at scialdar rǫnd,
at mars bægi / oc at mækis egg,
by the side of a ship and the rim of a shield,
the back of a horse and the edge of a blade,
As Table 1 shows, eddic poems refer to oaths that
were sworn on other items too, for example rings
and stones. The meaning of invoking such items in
an oath-swearing process and to what extent such
oaths were actually applied in real-life situations,
have been debated.
In a comprehensive study on the weapon oath
among the Gothic peoples (Om de Gotiske Folks
Våbenéd) of 1871, Sven Grundtvig argued that oaths
were frequently sworn on weapons, and that people
believed that the weapons would turn against the
oath-breakers if they broke the oath. Moreover, the
heathen gods were invoked, and they were thought
to become angry with perjurers (Läffler 1905). It is
an ongoing debate whether we can extrapolate the
colorful swearing of oaths on various objects back
to a Viking Age reality, and in particular to what extent
heathen gods were invoked. According to Elsa
Sjöholm, who dominated research on Scandinavian
legal history in the 1980s and 1990s, the swearing
of oaths was not originally a heathen procedure because
the earliest continental Germanic laws (Leges
Barbarorum), which date from the 5th century until
the 9th century, proscribe swearing on the Bible or
other consecrated objects controlled by the Church
(Sjöholm 1988:54–57). In a recent study on the cult
of the god Thor in the Viking Age, Lasse Christian
Performing Oaths in Eddic Poetry: Viking Age Fact or Medieval Fiction?
Anne Irene Riisoy*
Abstract - It is argued here that eddic poetry, where oaths were sworn on items like rings and weapons, can provide insight
into practices of swearing oaths in the real world of the Vikings. It is problematic that the earliest surviving manuscripts
of the eddic poems date from the late 13th century, but other sources, including written sources from outside Scandinavia,
evidence the existence of such oaths. The workings of the oaths rested on beliefs that the gods, and the items invoked in the
process, would take vengeance on oath-breakers. When Christianity arrived, the procedure continued, but in a new wrapping:
around the year 1000 A.D., God replaced the gods, items like weapons and rings disappeared from the procedure, and
instead, people swore on items like the Bible or the cross. This transformation of a legal procedure rooted in heathen times
into a procedure accepted in a Christian context seems to have taken place among the other Germanic peoples and Celts
who converted to Christianity centuries before the new religion reached Scandinavia.
Debating the Thing in the North: The Assembly Project II
Journal of the North Atlantic
*The University College of Southeast Norway, Faculty of Humanities, Sports, and Education; Anne.Irene.Riisoy@hbv.no.
2016 Special Volume 8:141–156
Table 1. Details of the Eddic oaths, including who made the oaths, items invoked, poem and stanza in which the oath can be found, and
page numbers in the Old Norse (Neckel and Kuhn 1983) and transl ated versions (Larrington 1996).
Who Neckel and
swore Items Poem, stanza Kuhn Larrington
1. Nidud Ship, shield, horse, the edge of a blade Lay of Volund, 33 122 107
2a. Dag Ship, horse, sword A Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, 32–33 157 138
2b. Sigrun Sigrun turns Dag’s oath into a curse A Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, 32–33 157 138
2c. Sigrun Bright water of Leift and Unn’s stone A Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, 31 157 138
3. Odin Ring Sayings of the High One110 34 29
4a. Atli Sun, the mountain of War-god, marital bed, The Lay of Atli, 30 245 214
ring of Ull
4b. Gudrun Turns Atli’s oath into a curse The Lay of Atli, 30 245 214
5. Gudrun Sacred white stone The Third Lay of Gudrun, 3 232 203
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
142
Arboe Sonne (2013) argued that we have no evidence
whatsoever that the Vikings used temple-rings
and oath-rings. One means to avoid the vexed issue
of historicity is to undertake an investigation
confined within the timeless world of texts. Peter
Habbe, for example, considered it irrelevant for his
study on legally binding rituals in Old Norse society
whether the swearing on oath rings occurred outside
the “text-world” (textvärlden). Habbe did not leave
the issue of historical context entirely open, and
he argued that the “mystic and magic” (mystik och
magi) and “religious discourse” (religiös diskurs)
connected with the Old Norse oath is due to the
influence of Christian ideas, typically swearing “on
the cross” or on the Bible (Habbe 2005:141–144,
160). In Habbe’s (2005:157) opinion, a man put his
honor at stake when he took an oath, and honor was
thus the “security” (pant) which conferred legitimacy
upon the system of oath-taking
In this paper, I will argue that the oaths in the
eddic poems were also used in the real world. In a
society devoid of any central government that could
guarantee law enforcement, it was necessary to tie
oaths to the maximum safeguards. Religious connotations
and items that were important in the pre-
Christian world-view were therefore invoked. The
oaths were formed as poetry, which facilitated their
preservation at a time when law was still not written
down. Also images and various items and props
were important to convey and preserve legal meaning
and change legal status. I have found inspiration
in Bernard J. Hibbitts study on Communication and
Legal Expression in Performance Cultures, where
he argued that law in early medieval Europe should
be placed in a so-called “performance culture” rather
than an “oral culture” because non-verbal expressions
like gesture, image, touch, and taste were also
important to express meaning and change legal status
(Hibbitts 1992:883).
The most common Old Norse term for oath (eið)
and the corresponding verb “to swear” sverja have
cognates in all Germanic languages, and these terms
are of considerable antiquity (Green 1998:158,
Schmidt-Wiegand 1977:75–76). For example, in
Scandinavia an early “oath” aiþa- runic inscription is
found on a 4th-century Nydam axe-shaft from Jutland
(Antonsen 2002:10–12, Herschend 2001:366–370,
Mees 2013).1 Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand and David H.
Green, who for decades have intersected linguistic
studies with archaeology and history agree that
eið can be phonologically and semantically traced
back to the Indo-European *oitos “walk, going”;
the implicit notion is ceremonially going to an oath
(Green 1998:158, Schmidt-Wiegand 1977:75–76).
The Old Norse verb sverja probably originates from
the set expression sverja eiðum (“by oath promising
someone something”) and Indo-European *sver
means “to speak”, “make a sound” (Fritzner [vol.
III] 1973:619–620, Torp 1919:754). The eddic oaths
are presented in Table 1, with reference to poem
and page numbers in Gustav Neckel and Hans Kuhn
(1983; Old Norse) and Carolyne Larrington (1996;
translation).
The majority of the eddic poems, often referred
to as the Poetic Edda, are preserved in the manuscript
Codex Regius, where an Icelandic scribe copied
them down in the 1270s. There is great disagreement
among scholars in regards of when the eddic
poems were first composed. Whereas the majority
of the eddic poems were probably composed during
the Viking Age, linguistic features correlated with
material remains indicate that some of the stories
they tell may be even older (Fidjestøl 1999, Nerman
1931).2 The long time-gap between the surviving
manuscripts and the supposed dates of oral composition
of the eddic poems is evidently a problem. In
my opinion, however, Viking Age written sources
from outside Scandinavia and archaeology attest to
the existence of oaths similar to those in the eddic
poems, and this argument will be further elaborated
below.
Viking Weapon-oaths from Volga to Wirral
King Nidud swore oaths on a ship, horse, shield,
and the “edge of a blade”, and as shown in Table 1,
Dag (no. 2a) invoked similar items when he took an
oath: a ship, a horse, and a sword. This practice bears
semblance to historically attested oaths. Several
10th-century treaties between Greeks from Constantinople
and Rus, who were most likely of Swedish
origin (Duczko 2004:17, 23, 210; Page 1995:97),
detail the swearing of oaths (cf. Stein-Wilkeshuis
2002). For example, according to a fragmentary
peace treaty of 907, the parties bound themselves by
oath, and whereas the Emperors Leo and Alexander
“kissed the cross”, the Rus, according to their religion,
“swore by their weapons” (Sherbowitz-Wetzor
1953:65). Four years later the Rus confirmed a treaty
(on compensation to victims of injuries, theft, and
revenge) “not merely in words but also in writing
and under a firm oath sworn upon our weapons according
to our religion and our law” (Sherbowitz-
Wetzor 1953:66).
In the Carolingian realm, various sources mention
Danes who swore oaths that differed from
normal Frankish procedure. For instance, in A.D.
811, The Royal Frankish Annals noted that Danish
magnates (primores) corroborated the peace agreement
“according to their own rights and customs”
(Garipzanov 2008:13). Some 50 years later, in
A.D. 863, The Annals of St-Bertin reported that the
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
143
chieftain Weland came to the emperor Charles and
that he “and the men he had with him swore solemn
oaths in their own way” (Nelson 1991:98). Unfortunately,
in neither of those two cases are the Danish
customs further elaborated. We are better informed
when Paris was captured and held ransom in A.D.
845. Ragner and other Viking leaders came to King
Charles the Bald and in the church of St. Denis they
“swore by their gods and their weapons that they
would never again enter his domain unless they were
his allies” (Steenstrup [vol. II] 1878:155). When a
peace between the Danes and the Saxons was ratified
in A.D. 873, the Annals of Fulda reported that
the Danes “swore on their weapons, according to the
custom of that people” (Reuter 1992:70–71).
Viking oaths are also recorded across the English
Channel. In Wirral in northwest Mercia in the
early 900s, the new settlers were predominantly
of Norse origin but also included some Danes and
Irish. A case recorded in the Three Fragments of
the Irish Annals informs that the Irish intended to
bring the Danes “to swear to a place where it will
be easy to kill them”. It seems to have been common
knowledge that the Danes “will be swearing
by their swords and by their shields, as is their custom,
they will lay aside all their missile weapons”,
and consequently many were killed. The chronicler
tersely noted that the Irishmen did this to the Danes
“because they were less friends to them than to the
Norsemen” (Cavill et. al. 2000:22–23). Putting away
weapons before taking an oath may have been a
fairly common Viking practice. In 941, the heathen
among the Rus, before they swore to representatives
from Constantinople, “shall lay down their shields,
their naked swords, their armlets, and their other
weapons” (Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:77).
Other early Germanic peoples swore oaths on
weapons, which is evidenced in several of the Leges
Barbarorum and also in other sources (Grundtvig
1871:6–14, Hüpper-Dröge 1981:126). The so-called
ring-swords, characterized by a small ring fixed
to the hilt, symbolized the relationship between
the Frankish king and his retainers. These swords
may have combined the swearing of oaths on rings
with the swearing of oaths on swords (Davidson
1994:71–77, Steuer 1987). The Poem of Helgi
Hiorvardsson mentions a sword with a ring on the
hilt Hringr er í hialti (stanza 9; Neckel and Kuhn
1983:143, Larrington 1996:125), and Birger Nerman
(1931:41–44, 59), who studied the eddic poems in
the light of archaeology, argued that such swords belonged
to the 6th century (cf. Davidson 1994:71–77).
It was an ancient Germanic practice to use weapons
in various legal situations (Grundtvig 1871, Hüpper-
Dröge 1981). For example, the 1st-century Roman
politician and historian Tacitus noted that among
the Germans, spears conferred legal validity at the
assembly (Germania 11.1; Rives 2002:81–82, 172)
and the term gairethinx, literally “spear-assembly”,
in the Lombard Laws reflected the same idea. By the
time the Lombard Laws were written down (A.D.
643), gairethinx had become any witnesses’ public
act (Drew 1973:259, Hüpper-Dröge 1981:122). Political
changes were also validated this way, and Paul
S. Barnwell (2003:13–14) discussed an episode from
the early 500s where the inhabitants of Cologne approved
the Merovingian King Clovis’ acquisition of
power over them with a clash of weapons. Traces of
a “spear-assembly” is found much later in the Old
Norse term vápnatak which also entered the Old
English legal language as wæpengetæc, where it
took on the meaning of legal district (Hüpper-Dröge
1981:121). In several of the Leges Bararorum, the
spear was also part of legal ceremonies, in which
it could accompany gifts and confer freedom on
slaves, and remnants of similar practices may be
preserved in medieval Swedish law too (Brink
2011:154, Hüpper-Dröge 1981:122).3
Swearing on a Ring
As seen in Table 1, Odin swore a ring-oath
(baugeið) and Atli swore an oath on the ring (hringi)
of Ull (nos. 3 and 4a). The two ring-terms, baugr
and hringr, had the same function in this context,
as they were both oath-rings. Other sources too note
that rings were important items when oaths were
sworn, and for the year A.D. 876, the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle noted that King Alfred managed to force a
Vikings army under the command of King Guthrum
into a short-lived truce, and him þa aþas sworon on
þam hâlgan beage (“they swore him oaths on the
sacred ring”) (Swanton 2000:75). The chronicler’s
comment that this is something they had been unwilling
to do before indicates that oaths among the
heathen Scandinavians were graded in value, that the
ring-oath ranked highest, and that the Anglo-Saxons
were well informed on this issue.
Also, the family sagas (Íslendingasögur), which
describe events that purportedly took place in the
10th and early 11th centuries, but which were written
down in the 13th and 14th centuries, contain a few
episodes that describe the swearing of ring-oaths.4
Whether these episodes can illuminate the oath
swearing recorded in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is
still debated. According to Sonne (2013:62) these
saga episodes are “fanciful” (fantasifulde), and
therefore they are useless as historical sources. In
this respect, Sonne sided with other skeptics, e.g.,
Aage Kabell (1975). Sonne pointed out that because
the sagas are useless as an interpretive framework,
it is impossible to say whether the AngloJournal
of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
144
Saxon description of Vikings swearing on rings has
any historical bearing (Sonne 2013:69). In Sonnes
opinion, “Ull’s ring” was not an oath-ring but simply
an item that had importance for the composer of
the lay and his audience, and that the ring referred
to in the expression Baugeið Óðinn (no. 3 in Table
1) denoted a ring that was exchanged in an engagement
ceremony and therefore was not an oathring
(Sonne 2013:71–72). Besides, argued Sonne
(2013:69), the swearing on oath-rings was most
likely an Anglo-Saxon tradition in the first place.
In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the English initiated
the swearing, and furthermore, the chronicler presupposed
a general knowledge that the concept of a
holy ring-oath was known among the Anglo-Saxons
(Sonne 2013:69).
I would like to stress, however, that it was members
of the Viking army, and not the Anglo-Saxons,
who swore on the holy ring in A.D. 876. Even though
the concept of a holy ring-oath clearly appears to
have been known among the Anglo-Saxons, it is
important to bear in mind that by the late 9th century
they were long since converted to Christianity. The
ring was, after all, at the center of the pre-Christian
mythology, at least in Scandinavia, and this consideration
will be further elaborated on below. Therefore,
I would suggest that although Christians might
accept heathens swearing on a holy ring, Christians
themselves would waive such a practice. I agree with
William A. Chaney’s assessment that although there
is no evidence that the Anglo-Saxons used oathrings,
the practice may have existed in pagan times
(Chaney 1970:149).
The memory of the oath-ring among the Anglo-
Saxons may still have lingered on in the 9th century,
perhaps also reinforced by their dealings with the
Vikings. Otherwise it should be noted that the “ring”
was certainly known among the Anglo-Saxons. For
example, it was used as heriot “war-gear” and was
originally a death duty where it took the form of the
“return” of the weapons and horses that a lord had
endowed his man when the bond between them was
forged. Heriots were often commuted to cash payments,
and Nicholas Brooks (1978:85–88) observed
that they were normally paid in beagas, armilla, bradiola,
i.e., rings or armlets (cf. Green 1998:67–68,
Hedeager 2011:12–13).5 As a royal cult-object, the
ring survived well into the 10th century, when the
English king as generous giver of rings, beaggifa,
is mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which,
argued Chaney, may reflect a sacral, irrational element
in ring-giving (Chaney 1970:149). Among the
Germanic peoples, it was customary to give rings
as a form of reward or payment or as compensation
for wrongdoings (Engeler 1991:111–114, Oliver
2002:86, Wendt 2007–2008).
Yet another ring is mentioned in sources from
the British Isles. In A.D. 994, King Maelseachlainn
robbed the symbols belonging to the Norse king of
Dublin, the sword of Carlus and Tomair’s ring. Mary
Valente suggested that the ring originally belonged
to Tomar, the first jarl mentioned in Irish sources, in
A.D. 848. Tomar and his brother Olaf, the father of
Carlus, were sons of the king of Laitlinn, probably
somewhere in Norway (Valente 2008:64–80). It has
also been suggested that Tomair may have been
the Norse god Thor (Brink 1996:46–47; Sundqvist
2007:174, 187). In support of this argument, Olof
Sundqvist mentioned Torgrim and Torolf, who both
had the title of goði, were dedicated to Thor and
had oath-rings (Kjalnesinga saga, ch. 2 [Hreinsson
(vol. III) 1997:307–308]; Eyrbyggja saga, ch. 3–4
[Hreinsson (vol. V) 1997:133–134]). A goði (plural
goðar) is the Old Norse term for someone who was
both a chieftain and a cultic leader in heathen times,
and gyðja signifies his female equivalent (Sundqvist
2007:64–66). Alternatively, Tomair might have been
a goði, with a function similarly to Torgrim and
Torolf. The names of these two men are interesting
because, as Jón Viðar Sigurðsson (2011:89–90)
pointed out, in the earliest decades of the settlement
of Iceland it was twice as likely that a man who
had a Thor-name was also a goði. The earliest attested
goði from Scandinavia is probably found on
a 5th-century runic inscription from Nord-Huglo in
Western Norway (Sundqvist 2007:33–34). According
to later Icelandic sources, the goði was in charge
of the opening of the assembly, sacrificed within
the sacred area of the assembly, and swore oaths on
rings (Aðalsteinsson 1998:45–50, 1999:164–165).
Place-names as well as runic inscriptions show that
this office had once existed all over Scandinavia
(Sigurðsson 2011:89–90, Sundqvist 2011:91). In
eastern Scandinavia, Olof Sundqvist (2011) has
found a preponderance of the presence of goðar in
the vicinity of vé- place names. A vé place was separated
from the profane (Vikstrand 2011), and a vé
could also designate a thing (Brink 2002:106–108),
which is yet another element that shows a parallel
between the goðar in eastern and western Scandinavia
(Sundqvist 2002:104).
Gunnar Karlsson (2009) asserted that the reason
why the goði institution was preserved in Iceland,
whereas it disappeared in the other Nordic countries,
can be found in the way Christianity was introduced
and in the different political setting in Iceland compared
to mainland Scandinavia. In pre-Christian
times, kings as well as goðar had a special relationship
with the divine, and when kings decided to
change religious allegiance from the pagan gods to
the one and only Christian God, they eradicated the
goðar in the process. Iceland had no kings, and here
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
145
it was the goðar who decided to convert, an action
that was propelled by the wish to free themselves
from the interference of the Norwegian King Óláfr
Tryggvason (995–1000). This also explains why, in
Iceland, the goðar retained their secular powers after
the conversion (Karlsson 2009:77–91).
Some rings are found which can reasonably be
interpreted as oath-rings. The two most famous are
the “Forsa ring” from Hälsingland in Sweden from
the 9th or early 10th century, on which short-branched
runes record a legal rule (Brink 1996:27–55, Herschend
2009, Sundqvist 2007:164–190), and the
Gothic Pietroassa ring from the early 5th century
(cf. Riisøy, in press [this volume]). Other rings are
found at central places, for example, at Tune in Gotland,
Borg in Östergötland, Uppåkra in Scania, and
Helgö in central Sweden, and these rings may have
functioned similarly to the oath-rings described in
the family sagas (Eriksen 2014, Fabech 2006, Sundqvist
2007:177–183). For example, according to
Víga-Glúms saga, in late 10th-century Iceland Glum
took “a temple oath on the ring” and denied the accusation
of manslaughter to an unspecified “god”
(Hreinsson [vol. II] 1997:307–308).
Although the god Ull is connected with a ring
upon which oaths were sworn, he is barely mentioned
in the eddic poems. Ull probably had an important
judicial role in pre-Christian times because,
according to Snorri’s Edda, “he is a good one to pray
to in single combat (einvígi)” (Faulkes 1987:26,
Jónsson 1900:31). Snorri’s Edda is a handbook for
aspiring poets written by Snorri Sturluson around
1220, and it contains excerpts from the eddic poems
in addition to information otherwise unknown. Place
names, in particular from the provinces around Lake
Mälaren in central Sweden and in southeast Norway,
indicate that Ull had a more prominent role in
the Nordic pantheon before the Viking Age (Brink
2007:116–118, Olsen 1926:120).
Lilla Ullevi, north of Stockholm, is the location
of an ancient cult site measuring some 2000 square
meters. This place name points to a connection between
Ull and a vé, and as noted above, a vé may also
denote a legal assembly, a thing. At Lilla Ullevi, 65
amulet iron rings of various sizes, which date from
the Vendel period, were discovered. It does not seem
too far-fetched to interpret these as Ull’s rings (Bäck
et al. 2008, Riisøy 2013, Stenholm 2011:53). Lilla
Ullevi was ritually “closed down” ca. A.D. 750,
when it was covered in a layer of silt ~1 m thick
(Stenholm 2011:55). Since then, it would appear that
the place was unused for some 600 years, which is a
long time for such a name to be preserved (Vikstrand
2011:59–60). Sacred places, or at least their names,
may have been remembered for a very long time.
Archaeologists started excavations in 2005 at another
vé place, Götavi (Svensson 2011). Old maps,
from 1638, 1719, and 1855 showed that through the
centuries the location where the cult place was found
was not used for farming, which clearly indicates
respect and reverence. Remains of animal fat and
animal bones and traces of phosphate, particularly
on the eastern side of an approximately 15 m x18
m platform made of clay, indicate that animals were
possibly slaughtered or sacrificed at this site. In this
context, it is relevant to recall episodes which connect
sacrifices of animals with legal activities, for
example, an oath-ring reddened in the blood of a
sacrificed ox, and the subsequent swearing of oaths
(i.e., ch. 25, Víga-Glúms saga, Hreinsson [vol. II]
1997:307). At Götavi, a neck-ring of gold dated to
the 5th or early 6th century was also found, and C14
dating of the remains of a burned tree indicate that
the place probably ceased to function as a sacred
place by the middle of the 11th century (Svensson
2011:75).
Christoph Kilger (2008:253–325) placed the
ring, with its legal, political, and symbolic aspects,
at the center of the pre-Christian mythology. For
example, at the burial of the god Baldr, Odin laid on
the pyre a gold arm-ring called Draupnir, and every
ninth night eight gold rings of the same uniformity of
weight dripped from the ring (Snorri’s Edda; Faulkes
1987:96–97). Andreas Nordberg (2006:154) pointed
out that this “should be counted as one ring per night
in an eight-night cycle, because the last night in the
interval was also counted as the first night in the following
cycle”. Eight and nine were sacred numbers in
the pre-Christian Norse mythology, and quite possibly
this way of counting also applied at the sacrifices
which took place at Uppsala and Lejre in the ninth
year of every eight-year cycle (Nordberg 2006:154).
In the heathen mythology, Draupnir was imbued with
transcendental and sacred associations and therefore
symbolized standards and value, and in order to
make this concept concrete, rings laden with stories
and ideas were made (Kilger 2008:253–325). Kilger
(2008:253–325) therefore interpreted Draupnir, the
prototype for rings that each reproduced itself with
the same weight, as a symbol of the power of creation
and rejuvenation, and the same principle underlies
the weighing of precious metals. It is important to
point out that the baugr was also a legal object, so
when oaths were sworn upon it justice was divinely
sanctioned.
In fact, the legal significance of the ring may
have survived the conversion. Whereas in heathen
times a sacred ring lay inside the “temple” hof or
hung on the doors of cultic buildings or aristocratic
halls (Eriksen 2014), after the conversion, rings
were hung on church doors. A case in point is the
Forsaring from Hälsingland (cf. above), which was
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
146
… by the sun curving to the south and the
mountain of War-god,
by the marital bed and by Ull’s ring
In the Old Norse world-view, Sól had status as a
goddess, and rock carvings indicate that the sun
was already venerated as a life-giving heavenly
body during the Bronze Age (Hoftun 1997, Simek
1993:297), although the role of the sun may have
diminished after the global dust veil of A.D. 536
darkened it (Andrén 2014:185–186). The next
element in this oath-formula, Sigtýs bergi, probably
alluded to Odin’s mountain. The War-god, or
Sigtýr, is one of the many names of Odin, meaning
victory-god or battle-god (Faulkes 1987:96), and
bergi “mountain” may also be tied to Odin because
he is the god most frequently connected with high
places in Old Norse sources and in other Germanic
cultures too (Clay 2010:297, Dronke 1969:64).7 The
next element in Atli’s oath, hǫlkvi, is connected with
“horse”, and the compound term hvílbeðiar beð
means “bed” or “bedding”. Hence hǫlkvi hvílbeðjar
“the bed’s horse” may refer to the carved image of a
horse’s head on the end-posts of Viking Age beds, as
argued by Anne Holtsmark (1941) (see also Dronke
1969:64–64). The ship-burials Gokstad (ship dated
to late 880s) and Oseberg (the oak which was used
to build the burial chamber was felled in A.D. 834;
Gansum 2004:33) have horse-headed bedposts. The
horse had great symbolic importance in pre-Christian
times, and Tacitus, back in in the 1st century,
noted that the Germans had white sacred horses who
were the intimates of the gods and that the omens
of horses were held in great esteem (DuBois 2012;
Rives 2002:81, 167; cf. Oma 2011). Atli had sworn
this elaborate oath in connection with a marriage
arrangement, and because a bed is an appropriate
symbol of a marriage, it is plausible that a marriageoath
may have been taken on horse-headed bedposts
(Holtsmark 1941).
Christian Fantasy-genre or Angry Gods and
Avenging Swords
What, exactly, was at stake when oaths were
sworn in colorful words on various objects and
heathen gods were invoked, and how was such a
procedure supposed to work?
According to one interpretation, such oaths merely
reflected the high medieval authors’ fantasy and
their conception of what heathen oaths might have
been, and that in Scandinavia the origin of oaths can
be placed firmly in a Christian context. This point of
view was strongly expressed by Elsa Sjöholm, who
approached the sources with a very strict method.
She claimed that, because the Nordic medieval laws
hanging on the door between the weaponry and the
church in Forsa. Before the ring ended up in Forsa,
according to 18th-century records, it was fastened on
the door of Hög church. Hög church was situated
close to the old thing mound and hence the old assembly
site for the district (Brink 2003, Ruthström
1990). The ring in the new Christian setting may
have served as a sanctuary ring; asylum seekers were
free from persecution if they managed to touch the
door ring, and on the Continent from the 9th to the
14th centuries, people took oaths on the church ring
handle (see Eriksen 2014 for examples).
The Diversity of Eddic Oaths
Whereas King Nidud’s oath was sworn on weapons,
a horse, and a ship, other images and items
were also applied in the eddic oaths. For example,
as shown in Table 1, no. 5, Gudrun swore oaths “by
the sacred white stone” (hvíta helga steini) (the female
involvement in legal procedures will be further
discussed in Riisøy [in press, this volume]). The
color white may in part explain why the stone was
considered holy because written sources going back
to the time of Christ evidence that the Germans saw
the white color as sacred and charged with cosmic
and divine power and also symbolizing the circle of
life and rebirth (Dumézil 1973:124, Hoftun 1997,
Näsström 2003:119).6 Unn’s stone may have had a
similar function, and it appears to have been invoked
when Sigrun turned Dag’s previous oath into a curse
(nos. 2c and 2b in Table 1; cf. Thorvaldsen 2010,
2011). Unn probably refers to a well or the name of
a wave (Faulkes 1987:257, Larrington 1996:321).
Traditionally, the “sacred white stones” designated a
special kind of phallus-shaped cultic stones in southwest
Norway (Carlie 1999:48). When the found context
is known, it appears that the sacred white stones
were often located in or on graves and near grave
mounds (Solberg 1999:99–106), close to farms
with sacred names, and close to farms with medieval
churches (Hedeager 2011:113). Many of those
communal churches were built on the ancient thing
for the district (Brink 2003:62). Stones were also
important in other legal contexts. People stepped
on a stone when they made pledges (Hen-Thorir’s
Saga, ch.12; Hreinsson [vol. V] 1997:253–254),
and stones were also important in the pre-Christian
inauguration rituals where the king, as part of the
investiture procedure, was lifted up onto a stone and
given a royal name (Sundqvist 2001:624–644).
As seen in Table 1, different items were invoked
when Atli swore an oath:
at sól inni suðrhǫllo / oc at Sigtýs ber gi,
hǫlkvi hvílbeðiar / oc at hringi Ullar
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
147
Eadred, abbot of Carlisle had a dream where St.
Cuthbert, the patron saint of Northern England (ca.
634–687), appeared. According to this story, preserved
in Extracts from the Anonymous “History of
St. Cuthbert”, Vikings had conquered the land and
allocated the estates of St. Cuthbert “to one called
Olaf Ball”, the said Olaf was not only a “son of the
devil” but was also exceedingly hostile to God as
well as St. Cuthbert (Whitelock 1955:262). One day
Olaf went raging into a church, where in the presence
of Bishop Cuthheard and the whole community
he asked what harm the dead Cuthbert could do?
Olaf finished ranting with the following exclamation:
“I swear by my holy gods, Thor and Othin, that
from this hour I will be a great enemy to all of you.”
Of course, the Christian side gets the last word—after
all, a monk penned this episode. The chronicler
goes on to gleefully report that when “this son of the
devil”, Olaf that is, wished to depart, he fell dead
and whereupon the devil trust his sinful soul into hell
(Whitelock 1955:262). The heathen immediately
falling dead after he swore such a profane oath in a
church, bears the stamp of a Christian construction,
possibly with a didactic end (Frense 1982), although
I think it is important to stress that the scribe who
penned this episode probably had a historically correct
template. As the episodes above indicate, the
invocation of heathen gods in connection with oath
swearing seems to have been a normal Viking procedure,
and it is quite likely that the Christian author of
this episode was quite aware of this fact.
In 1905, Leopold Fredrik Läffler pointed out
that according to an old Swedish oath-formula the
gods would get angry if the person who swore lied.
In the section Af mandrapi (“On Manslaughter”) in
the Old Västgöta Law that was first written down
around 1220, there is an oath-formula that possibly
reflects the practice in heathen times, when it was
usual to call upon the gods: sva se mær guð hol
(chapter 1; Schlyter 1827:10–11). Läffler noted that
hol in this sentence is in nominative plural neuter;
hence in this case, guð refers to “gods” (Läffler
1905). The formula can therefore be translated thus:
“may the [pagan] gods be gracious to me”, and although
Sjöholm (1988:259) is critical, other scholars
support Läffler’s interpretation (Brink 2002:95;
Frense 1982:256–259; Sundqvist 2001:642–643,
2002:327).
In addition, the so-called Law of Úlfljótr expresses
the same notion. Úlfljótr came from a powerful
family from Hordaland in western Norway,
and in the 920s, he went back to his maternal uncle
Þorleifur spaki “the Wise” to learn law and bring
it back to Iceland. The relevant story has been
preserved in slightly different versions; it appears
in the Landnámabók (“The Book of Settlements”),
were built upon a learned tradition and foreign ideology
(Christianity), they could at best tell only a little
about Nordic society at the time of writing (Sjöholm
1988:50, 250–251). Several scholars have strongly
opposed Sjöholm’s arguments and her methodological
approach. Because she has compared a fairly
limited number of provisions of Nordic law with
a narrow and selected range of non-Nordic legal
sources, virtually anything can be “proven”. Besides,
the strength of oral traditions in illiterate societies
was not taken into consideration. Sjöholm did
not use runic and archaeological evidence, and she
rejected the idea that a law may consist of several
chronological strata. In recent years, several studies
have focused on aspects of the pre-Christian Scandinavian
laws (i.e., Brink 2002:87–110, Riisøy 2014,
Røsstad 1997, Sundqvist 2002:310–311). Besides,
the Bible does not have an entirely positive attitude
towards oaths. For example, in Matthew 5:33–37,
the basic message from God is quite clear: “Swear
not at all, …”. The Christian God would be satisfied
with a simple “Yea, yea; Nay, nay: for whatsoever
is more than these cometh of evil” (King James version;
http://bibleresources.bible.com).
I agree with Habbe (2013) that breaking an
oath was highly dishonorable, but also contend
that factors other than honor can explain why oaths
should not be broken. A fear of the wraths of gods
also prevailed, so, for example, when the Rus in
A.D. 907 bound themselves by oath, in addition
to swearing “by their weapons” they also invoked
their gods Perun, the god of thunder, and Volos,
the god of cattle (Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:65).
Perun was the most important Slavic God, and the
similarities between Perun and the Norse god Thor
may have caused an amalgamation of the two gods
among the Rus (Stein-Wilkeshuis 2002:161–162).
An additional example occurred in A.D. 945 when
“a bond of friendship” was established between the
Greeks and the Rus, and this should last “henceforth
and forever, as long as the sun shines and the
world stands fixed”. God cursed a Christian violator,
and an un-baptized Rus may not receive help
from Perun (Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:74). In A.D.
971, when the Rus concluded a treaty by oath “until
the end of the world”, they stipulated that if the
treaty was broken, “may we be accursed of the god
in whom we believe, namely of Perun and Volos,
the god of flocks, and we become yellow as gold,
and be slain with our own weapons” (Sherbowitz-
Wetzor 1953:90). In addition, Danish Vikings
swore “by their gods”, as happened in Paris in A.D.
845 when they concluded an agreement with King
Charles the Bald (Steenstrup [vol. II] 1878:155).
The heathen way of swearing oaths made quite
an impression on some minds, and in the late 800s,
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
148
which was probably compiled in the 12th century,
in Þórðar saga hreðu and Þorsteins þáttr uxafóts
(for the various transmissions and manuscripts see
Olsen 1966:30–39). The Law of Úlfljótr refers to
an oath taken on a ring and where the help of several
gods is called upon: hjálpi mér svá Freyr ok
Njǫrdr ok hinn almáttki áss (Hauksbók version of
the Landnámabók; Benediktsson 1986:313–315).
The last unspecified god, the almáttki “almighty”
áss remains unknown, however, several suggestions,
including Odin, Thor, Ull and even Christ, have been
put forward (Sundqvist 2002:327). Whether this law
is a genuine 10th-century law has been debated. Oluf
Olsen (1966:48) argued that the Law of Úlfljótr is a
Christian reconstruction and therefore a forgery, but
others are more positive (Aðalsteinsson 1998:45–50,
1999:164–165; Brink 2002:109; Riisøy 2013; Sundqvist
2007:175–176). As noted above, since Olsen’s
(1966) study, more potential oath-rings have
been found, and, in addition, written sources from
outside Scandinavia have been brought into the
discussion. These factors have contributed to anchor
the Law of Úlfljótr more firmly to the 10 th century.
Therefore, I will argue that the oaths in the eddic
poems reflect oaths in the real Viking world.
Furthermore, that the breaking of oaths and perjury
were considered offences against the gods, and binding
oneself by an oath also meant that divine punishment
could take effect in case the oath was broken.
In this respect, the pre-Christian Old Norse oath was
in line with far older Indo-European notions (Benveniste
1973:440–434).
There is also another aspect that can give information
on how the oaths were supposed to work.
Grundtvig (1871:98) argued that the oath-taker
couldn’t be separated from his weapons or other
items on which he took his oaths. I think Grundtvig
has drawn attention to a material point, namely that
in pre-Christian society there was a profound belief
that an oath-breaker would experience that the items
on which he swore (whether weapons, horses, or
ships) would turn against him if he broke the oath.
Grundtvig (1871:91–92) used stanzas 31–33 of the
Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani to elaborate
his statement. Sigrun’s brother Dag has slain the
hero Helgi, Sigrun’s husband (nos. 2a, 2b, and 2c
in Table 1). Sigrun exclaims to her brother that
she wishes all the oaths he swore to Helgi would
rebound upon him, and that the objects upon which
Dag swore, the ship and the horse, will fail him.
Finally, Sigrun also curses Dag’s sword (Larrington
1996:138, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:157–158).
Bítia þér þat sverð, er þú bregðir, /
nema siálfom þér syngvi um h ǫfði
May the sword that you wield never bite for
you,
unless it’s whistling above your own head …”
When we recall king Nidud’s oath in the introduction,
he invoked the same items as Dag; weapons,
a horse, and a ship. Here the paraphrasing of
the oath may have turned it into a poetic curse. Bernt
Øyvind Thorvaldsen (2010:260–261, 2011) leaves
open the question of whether Sigrun, through this
curse, is the real cause of Dag’s future misery, or
whether she only spells out a fate already assigned to
Dag. A similar pronouncement that may have turned
an oath into a curse occurs in the Lay of Atli, where
Atli had ordered the execution of his brother-in-law
Gunnar (stanza 30; Larrington 1996:214, Neckel and
Kuhn 1983:245). When Atli’s wife Gudrun heard
about Gunnar’s death, she exclaimed:
Svá gangi þér, Atli, / sem þú við Gunnar áttir /
eiða opt um svarða / oc ár of nefnda
May it so befall you, Atli, as you gave in oath
to Gunnar, /
oaths you often swore and pledged early …
The paraphrasing of an oath, thereby turning it
into a poetic curse directed against an oath-breaker,
occurred in other cultures too. In order to underpin
the key element in the weapon-oath, Grundtvig also
drew attention to an interesting ethnological analogy,
roughly contemporary with his own times. When
the “wild” tribes of the East Indies in 1837 under
oath promised representatives of the British government
that they would cease human sacrifice, they
took earth, rice, and some water in their hands and
uttered the following words: “may the earth deny me
its fruits, the rice strangle me, the water drown me,
the tiger eat myself and my children, if I ever break
this oath which I here take on behalf of myself and
my people” (Grundtvig 1871:98).
I find Grundtvig’s argument convincing; if a
person broke an oath, the items invoked would turn
against the oath-breaker (cf. Davidson 1994:210,
Holtsmark 1941:1). This notion is clearly expressed
in a treaty of 945 between the Rus and the Greeks. If
the Rus broke the treaty “may they rather be slain by
their own swords, laid low by their arrows or by any
of their own weapons, and may they be in bondage
forever” (Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:74).
Such formulations indicate that in pre-Christian
times people actually believed that in the legal process
a subtle shift from object to subject occurred
because the items, which were applied in the oathtaking
ceremony, could propel themselves into action
and take vengeance on an oath-breaker. Hence
the lines between living and dead matter became
blurred. The practice of giving name to weapons,
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
149
of such mixing of heathen and Christian elements is
the so-called Peace Guarantee Speech (trygða mál),
which has also been called an oath-formula. The
handling and solving of conflicts in Old Norse Society
involved elaborate spoken procedures. Trygð
means that a peace or agreement of security had
been finally settled, and confirmed by oath, and it
was particularly used in cases of manslaughter and
revenge (for recent discussions of this concept, see
Øyrehagen Sunde [2007] and Thorvaldsen [2011]).
One version of the Peace Guarantee Speech in the
Icelandic law-book Grágás states that:
“… if one of you tramples on treaties made
or smites at sureties given, he shall be an
outcast vargr despised and driven off as far
and wide as ever men drive outcasts off,
Christians come to church, heathens hallow
temples, fire flames, ground grows, son calls
mother, mother bears son, men make fires,
ship glides, shields flash, sun shines, snow
drifts, Lapp skis, fir tree grows, falcon flies a
spring-long day with a fair wind beneath both
wings, heavens revolve, world is inhabited,
wind whistles, waters flow to the sea, men
sow seed” (Dennis et al. 1980: 184–185).
It is possible that the Grágás formula was applied
in legal practice, as attested by episodes in the
family sagas (I have so far come across Grettir's
Saga, ch. 72, ca. A.D. 1000 “[Hreinsson (vol. II)
1997:161–162), and the Heiðarvíga saga, ch. 33,
ca. A.D. 1014 [Hreinsson (vol. IV) 1997:121–122]).
Well-spoken pledges invoked heathens and their
temples as well as Christians and their churches. The
origin of this particular Peace Guarantee Speech is
probably Norwegian; a fragment has been preserved
in the Old Law of the Gulathing, which applied for
the southwest part of Norway (G § 320; Eithun et al.
1994:177, Keyser and Munch 1846:110). Some of
the chosen images—Saami who ski and fir trees—
would not be expected if the Icelandic world-view
served as a template. In the Grágás formula, the
phrasing concerning Christians and churches were
possibly added last (see Vogt [1936] for an analysis
of the different elements in this formula), and
because these are listed alongside heathens sacrificing
in temples, the final version of the formula
probably originates from a period when the two
religions co-existed without too much friction. This
version of the formula that has survived in Grágás
may have originated some time during the reign of
King Hákon góði “the Good” (ca. 935–961). Hákon
was fostered at the court of the Anglo-Saxon King
Athelstan where he was introduced to the Christian
faith, and he was the first king from Norway who
tried to convert his people. The time was not yet
particularly swords, also indicate that these were
thought to somewhat be imbued with life; the same
goes for ships and evidently horses. A further aspect
of the “becoming alive” process is that material
objects became invested with meaning because of
the social interactions they engage in, that is, they
accumulate “biographies” (Hedeager 2011:138).
Draupnir, the deified prototype for rings, exemplifies
how cosmological meaning was materialized in
a specific object (Kilger 2008:253–325). Draupnir,
like swords, was brought into existence through the
process of skilled crafting, and the smith possessed
esoteric knowledge. When swords were made, an
additional facet may have come into play: when
bone-coal (whether of animals or humans or both)
was mixed with charcoal, carbon was transformed
into iron bloom and into steel. This mixing of bones
and iron could also symbolize the transference of an
ancestor into a sword, and the sword came imbued
with the strength and luck of the ancestor (Gansum
2004, Hedeager 2011:140, Østigård 2007:54). This
forging process may have been one explanation of
how a sword became infused with life and could turn
against oath-breakers.
A belief that some objects were “alive” and could
take action was contrary to Christian thinking, and in
addition, as long as a belief in angry gods executing
revenge upon oath-breakers and perjurers prevailed,
the authority of the one and only almighty Christian
God would be undermined. A ban on oath swearing
as such was not implemented when Christianity finally
gained ascendancy. Most likely, the swearing
of oaths was so ingrained in heathen legal practice
that it was impossible to do without this procedure,
and the easiest solution was to transfer oaths from a
heathen into a Christian context. One such example
concerns the Vikings in the east. By the mid-10th
century, some Rus had evidently converted, because
in 945 it was stipulated: “Those of us who are baptized
have sworn in the Cathedral, by the Church
of St. Elias, upon the Holy Cross set before us”
(Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:77).
The introduction of Christianity was a process
that took several generations to complete, and at
times and at certain places this process was probably
also rather peaceful. In various parts of Scandinavia,
heathens and Christians lived next door to each
other, and because law was closely interwoven with
religion, new Christian assemblies, which for a time
existed alongside the traditional assemblies, were established
(Sawyer 2000:151, Zachrisson 1998:154).
However, occasionally conflicts and legal cases
naturally came to cross religious boundaries, and
one way to deal with such situations was to work
out legal formulas, which catered to the religious
sensibilities of both parties. An excellent example
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
150
ic or symbolic power and reconciliations between
the parties should last “as long as the wind blows
from the clouds, grass grows, trees flower, the sun
rises, and the world exists”. In Gaul and Ireland, the
Celts swore pagan oaths by their gods (Mallory and
MacNeill 1991) and by the elements such as “heaven,
earth, sun, fire, moon, sea, land, day, night, etc., and
these punished the breaker of the oath” (MacCulloch
1911:172–173). John Arnott MacCulloc (1911:172–
173) pointed out that oath formulas invoking the natural
elements survived into Christian times; however,
by then the faithful were forbidden to call the sun and
moon gods or to swear by them.
Performance in Order to Record, Create, and
Transform
King Nidud’s oath, quoted in the introduction,
is very pleasing to the ear. Poetry sounds better
than prose, and the rhythm in combination with the
colorful images of ships and shields made this utterance
easier to remember, a salient point since this,
after all, was a legally binding oath. Viking Age
society did not rely on written legal records, and
an important means to preserve legal transactions
was through remembrance. Therefore, if people
used objects laden with meaning, their pronouncements
would be easier to recall than abstract legal
principles. Hence, the oaths in the eddic poems fit
nicely with the observation on Old English law made
by Frederic William Maitland: “So long as law is
unwritten, it must be dramatised and acted. Justice
must assume a picturesque garb, or she will not be
seen” (Maitland [vol. II] 1911). Even today in various
parts of the world, legal events are often set apart
from and above ordinary life through speech, gestures,
and objects; swearing on the Bible or on the
Quran is common practice, and legal personae may
be singled out through dress. For example, in British
courtrooms the judge is easily spotted through
the wearing of a black cape and a wig. Hence it is
relevant to associate law with vocabulary and ideas
taken from the stage, and this relationship was
pointed out by Johan Huizinga (1938) in a chapter
on “Play and Law” in Homo Ludens.
Words and gestures are complimentary, and
when combined, they have more force than either
would have alone. As Terry Gunnell (1995) pointed
out, the dialogic poems in the Poetic Edda were not
merely chanted but probably performed as dramatic
works. Furthermore, Hibbitts (1992:885) stressed
that a specific performance culture is shaped by
circumstances relating to, for example, religion,
politics, and geography. “For the convenience of
memory, performative legal rules are expressed not
in the abstract, but in stories and tales that evoke
ripe for the new religion, and King Hákon tolerated
heathens and was even forced to participate in
the heathen cult (Riisøy 2013). When Hákon died,
Haraldr gráfeldr, the son of Hákon’s brother Eiríkr
blóðøx “Bloodaxe”, came to power. King Haraldr
controlled the Norwegian coastal areas, and he set
out to break down the pagan sanctuaries and destroy
the pagan cult places. As Sundqvist pointed
out, King Haraldr probably had little success in
converting people to Christianity, and when earl
Hákon, de facto ruler of Norway from about 970
to 995 came to power, the religious scene changed
once more (Sundqvist 2015:130–132). The earl had
a hostile attitude towards Christianity, and he even
set out to restore the pagan cultic shrines (Sundqvist
2015:130–132). Therefore, I find it unlikely that earl
Hákon would condone an oath-formula, which also
included Christian elements. King Óláfr Tryggvason
(995–1000) ardently opposed the heathen religion,
and by the early 11th century the new religion had
come to stay. Therefore, I find it highly unlikely that
a formula incorporating an explicitly heathen element
would have been coined after about A.D. 1000.
As Jørn Øyrehagen Sunde pointed out, the
Grágás formula made it possible to draw the line
between right and wrong in a distinct way and it
brought form—order—into the legal process (Øyrehagen
Sunde 2007). In other Scandinavian medieval
laws, there are remnants of similar, although far less
elaborate, formulas that had a central role when the
administration of justice still was predominantly
oral (Brink 2011:152, Øyrehagen Sunde 2007). The
formulas bound together people’s actions with other
people and religious concepts—depending upon
religious affiliation and the natural world. Breaking
the treaty confirmed by oath had consequences:
becoming forever—as long as the sun shone and the
world was inhabited—the worst kind of an outcast,
a vargr. In pre-Christian and early Christian Scandinavian
society, a vargr designated an irredeemable
outlaw, and a creature, which above all, signifies
deceit (Riisøy 2010). Sigrdrifa condemns an oath
breaker, and compares him to a vargr, and the Seeress
concurred this judgement (Lay of Sigrdrifa,
stanza 23 [Larrington 1996:170, Neckel and Kuhn
1983:194], Seeress’s Prophecy, stanza 39 [Larrington
1996:9, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:9]).
The various terms in the Grágás formula probably
originate at different times; some of the images may
have been the stock of trade in pre-Christian oaths.
For instance, an oath between the Rus and Greeks
in A.D. 945 should last “henceforth and forever, as
long as the sun shines and the world stands fixed”
(Sherbowitz-Wetzor 1953:74). Stein-Wilkeshuis
(2002:167) referred to medieval Frisian law where
oaths were sworn on objects supposed to have a magJournal
of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
151
the concrete images of actors doing right or wrong”
(Hibbitts 1992:960). In my opinion, this is precisely
the way legal rules are expressed in the eddic poems.
Robin Chapman Stacey’s acclaimed book of 2007
focused on legal performance primarily as a form
of verbal art in early medieval Irish law, where it
was not only meant to record but also to create and
to transform (Stacey 2007:2). Therefore, certain
words spoken in a specific way could effect changes
in legal status, and the act was constituted when the
words were spoken (for the general power of the
spoken word in Old Norse society, see Raudvere
[2005]). This aspect could be particularly germane
to the legal sphere in pre-Christian Scandinavia
where the term mál means both speech and legal
case (Storm and Hertzberg 1895:428–429). Moreover,
place names from Scandinavia evidence that
mál could also denote a place of assembly (Fabech
2001:198–201, Holmberg 1996).
Dark Speech, the opening line of Stacey’s (2007)
book reflects the highly stylized, impenetrable and
hence also excluding language in early Irish law.
Bernard Mees found parallels in early Norse law,
exemplified by the term málrúnar, literally “speechrunes”
(Mees 2013). In The Lay of Sigrdrifa, the
valkyrie Sigrdrifa admonished Sigurd to learn málrúnar
and þær um vindr, þær um vefr “wind them
about, weave them about …” (stanza 12; Larrington
1996:168, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:192). The context
is explicitly legal, because Sigrdrifa also pointed out
that málrúnar would be useful at that thing “where
people must go to fully constituted courts” (er þióðir
scolo í fulla dóma fara) (stanza 12; Larrington
1996:168, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:192). Bernard
Mees (2013:2–3) pointed out that málrúnar have
also been used in Snorri’s Edda as a definition of
dróttkvætt, the most complicated form of Old Norse
poetry (Snorri’s Edda, Háttatal; Jónsson 1931:215).
Here, málrúnar are described as the principal sort
of runes, and therefore argued Mees (2013:2–3),
this term is a form of advice, rhetoric, or wisdom
that was composed or articulated in a stylized or
heightened manner. Furthermore, in an even older
Germanic tradition, málrúnar represented the giving
of legal counsel. The reference to málrúnar in The
Lay of Sigrdrifa indicates that early Northern legal
language was alliterative and performative, and
when arguments were woven, this may allude to the
performance of poetry. This performing of law in a
stylized poetic language was for mnemonic purposes
and, as Mees underlined, also for tradition. A conservative
legal language was considered to be correct,
true, and important, and it served as a safeguard
against mistakes (Mees 2013:11). The idea that
there was some kind of interrelationship between
law and poetry in ancient Germanic Society goes
back to Jacob Grimm’s (1816) study Von der Poesie
im Recht. This line of inquiry is still relevant today.
For example, studies show that several Scandinavian
inscriptions from the older runic period (2nd to 8th
century) had legal functions and were stylized similarly
to poetry (Herschend 2009:59–83, Mees 2013).
The Forsaring (cf. above) shows alliteration in legal
language, and traces of the alliterative prehistoric
legal culture in Scandinavia may also be found in the
earliest provincial laws (Brink 2011:147–156).
Because mere words could effect changes, words
were not only effective but also potentially dangerous
(Stacey 2007:249). An oath spoken badly or
wrongly could have dire and unintended consequences,
and an oath taken by one party may not
have been what the other party understood it to be.
This misunderstanding may have occurred inadvertently
because the phrasing was not precise enough,
or because the oath taker deliberately swore to something
that was technically true but morally dubious.
Trickery and deceit is therefore “the darker side of
linguistic power” (Stacey 2007:248).
An excellent example of an Old Norse “dark”
oath is recorded in chapter 25 in Víga-Glúms saga.
In Iceland in the latter half of 10th century, Glum
swore that he had not killed Thorvald Hook.
Glum took “a temple oath on the ring and I deny to
the god, that I was not there and did not strike there
and did not redden point or edge where Thorvald
Hook met his death” (Hreinsson [vol. II] 1997:307–
308). As noted by the editor Vidar Hreinsson,
“Glum’s oath depends on the preposition at having
the same form as a poetic negative suffix”. Hence,
“I was at that place” (ek vark at a þar) and “I was
not there” (ek varkat þar) sound identical (Hreinsson
[vol. II] 1997:307–308). Glum’s opponents
were expecting a denial, and admitted, “they had
not heard that form of words used before”, but still:
did not find anything wrong with the oath. It was
soon pointed out that Glum had in fact admitted to
the killings, “in the most usual words” and also that
it was disgraceful for Glum’s opponents for not
catching this verbal trick (Hreinsson [vol. II]
1997:307–308). Whereas verbal tricks may have
been perfectly acceptable, swearing outright falsely
was not a viable option. Glum may have known
about the advice spelled out by Sigrdrifa where she
admonished the dragon-slayer Sigurd not to swear
an oath unless it is truly kept because terrible fatebonds
attach to the oath-tearer.
Summary
To conclude, the oaths sworn in the eddic poems
were actually used in pre-Christian Scandinavia, not
only during the Viking Age but in earlier centuries
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
152
too. Thus, when 13th- and 14th-century Icelanders put
eddic poems and sagas down on parchment, they did
not invent this custom, on the contrary, there is every
reason to believe that the memory of how oaths were
sworn in pre-Christian times still lingered on.
Eddic poetry expresses ethical judgments of people’s
actions, and in a society where people believed
in heathen gods and in various omens, and where the
dividing lines between living and dead matter was
occasionally blurred, it made sense to swear on items
and gods which were important in that culture. Such
procedures helped to ensure that the oaths would not
be broken, and hence, minimize the risks of violence
and disruption. The eddic poems may also have had
a didactic intent aimed at the audience. They stated
the cause and effect of the breach of the law, and
how to solve the conflict, and in this way helped to
regulate and stabilize local society and keep up the
central values of this society. Breaking of norms had
consequences; for example, an oath-breaker became
a vargr. Through the reciting of poems, these norms
and the legal procedure were made clear; therefore,
people were aware how legal disputes and a breach
of the law should be solved.
All performance cultures are not absolutely alike.
From Volga in the east to Wirral in the west, Viking
oaths, which differed from Christian oaths, are recorded.
It would appear that Christians took a pragmatic
stance, and heathen Viking oaths would have
to suffice, regardless of whether they used weapons,
holy rings, and other items and even invoked heathen
gods. Also the heathens were pragmatic, abroad
and at home, and they accepted that Christians swore
oaths according to their belief. When Christianity
finally gained political ascendency in Scandinavia,
oaths sworn on the Bible (i.e., F IV 8, G 37; Eithun
et al. 1994:57–59; Keyser and Munch 1846:23,
160–161), or the cross (Grágás; Finsen 1852:46,
72) replaced oaths sworn, for example, on weapons
and the natural elements. A similar development
seems to have taken place among the other Germanic
peoples and Celts and who converted to Christianity
centuries before the new religion reached Scandinavia.
During the first Christian centuries, the performative
aspects of oaths, and in addition all agreements,
cases, and transactions that had legal implications,
were still important. For example, when land
was claimed (Strömbäck 1928:205) or sold (Brink
2011, Gelting 2011, Taranger 1913), and in cases of
inheritance of odal-land, recital of ancestors back to
the burial mound was imperative (Iversen 2008).
Acknowledgments
My sincere thanks go to Dr. Alexandra Sanmark (University
of the Highlands and Islands) and Professor Frode
Iversen (Museum of Cultural History in Oslo), for discussions,
critical reading, and comments with regards to this
manuscript. Thanks also to the two anonymous reviewers
for their valuable input.
Literature Cited
Aðalsteinsson, J.H. 1998. A Piece of Horse Liver:
Myth, Ritual, and Folklore in Old Icelandic Sources.
Háskólaútgáfan, Reykjavík, Iceland. 188 pp.
Aðalsteinsson, J.H. 1999. Under the Cloak: A Pagan
Ritual Turning Point in the Conversion of Iceland.
Háskólaútgáfan Félagsvísindastofnun, Reykjavik,
Iceland. 233 pp.
Andrén, A. 2014. Tracing Old Norse Cosmology: The
World Tree, Middle Earth, and the Sun in Archaeological
Perspectives. Nordic Academic Press, Lund,
Sweden. 247 pp.
Antonsen, E.H. 2002. Runes and Germanic Linguistics.
Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, Germany. 380 pp.
Barnwell, P.S. 2003. Kings, nobles, and assemblies in
the barbarian kingdoms. Pp. 11–28, In P.S. Barnwell
and M. Mostert (Eds.). Politicial Assemblies in the
Earlier Middle Ages. Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium.
213 pp.
Benediktsson, J. 1986. Íslendingabók: Landnámabók.
Vol. 1. Hið Íslenzka Fornritafélag. Reykjavik, Iceland.
525 pp.
Benveniste, E. 1973. Indo-European Language and Society.
Faber and Faber, London, UK. 579 pp.
Brink, S. 1996. Forsaringen—Nordens äldsta lagbud.
Pp. 27–55, In E. Roesdahl et al. (Eds.). Beretning
fra femtende tværfaglige vikingsymposium. Hikuin,
Højbjerg, Denmark. 64 pp.
Brink, S. 2002. Law and legal customs in Viking Age
Scandinavia. Pp. 87–110, In J. Jesch (Ed.). The Scandinavians
from the Vendel Period to the Tenth Century:
An Ethnographic Perspective. Studies in Historical
Archaeoethnology, 5. The Boydell Press, Woodbridge,
UK. 374 pp.
Brink, S. 2003. Legal Assemblies and judicial structures
in early Scandinavia. Pp. 61–72, In P.S. Barnwell and
M. Mostert (Eds.). Politicial Assemblies in the Earlier
Middle Ages. Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium. 213 pp.
Brink, S. 2007. How uniform was the Old Norse religion?
Pp. 105–136, In J. Quinn et al. (Eds.). Learning and
Understanding in the Old Norse World. Essays in
Honour of Margaret Clunies Ross. Medieval Texts and
Cultures in Northern Europe, 18. Brepols, Turnhout,
Belgium. 456 pp.
Brink, S. 2011. Oral fragments in the earliest Old Swedish
laws? Pp. 147–156, In M. Mostert et al. (Eds.). Medieval
Legal Process: Physical, Spoken, and Written
Performance in the Middle Ages. Brepols, Turnhout,
Belgium. 299 pp.
Brooks, N. 1978. Arms, status, and warfare in Late-Saxon
England. Pp. 81–103, In D. Hill (Ed.). Ethelred the
Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference. British
Archaeological Reports, British Series 59, Oxford,
UK. 273 pp.
Bäck, M., A-M. Hållans Stenholm, and J-Å Ljung. 2008.
Lilla Ullevi—Historien om det fridlysta rummet. Riksantikvarieämbetet,
Stockholm, UV, Mitt, rapport 2008.
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
153
Carlie, A. 1999. “Sacred white stones”. On traditions of
building white stones into graves. Lund Archaeological
Review 5:41–58.
Cavill, P., S Harding, and J. Jesch. 2000. Wirral and its
Viking Heritage. English Place-Name Society, Nottingham,
UK. 149 pp.
Chaney, W.A. 1970. The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon
England: The Transition from Paganism to Christianity.
Manchester University Press, Manchester, UK.
276 pp.
Clay, J.-H. 2010. In the Shadow of Death: Saint Boniface
and the Conversion of Hessia, 721–754. Brepols,
Turnhout, Belgium. 487 pp.
Davidson, H.R.E. 1994. The Sword in Anglo-Saxon
England: Its Archaeology and Literature. The Boydell
Press, Woodbridge, UK. 237 pp.
Dennis, A., P. Foote, and R Perkins (Ed. and trans.). 1980.
Laws of Early Iceland: Grágás. University of Manitoba
Press, Winnipeg, Canada. 279 pp.
Drew, C.F. (Ed. and trans.). 1973. The Lombard Laws.
University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, PA,
USA. 280 pp.
Dronke, U. (Ed. and trans.). 1969. Heroic poems. Oxford
University Press, Oxford, UK. 251 pp.
DuBois, T.A. 2012. Diet and deities: Contrastive livelihoods
and animal symbolism in Nordic Pre-Christian
religions. Pp. 65–96, In C. Raudvere and J.P. Schjodt
(Eds.). More than Mythology: Narratives, Ritual
Practices, and Regional Distribution in Pre-Christian
Scandinavian Religions. Nordic Academic Press,
Lund, Sweden. 287 pp.
Duczko, W. 2004. Viking Rus: Studies on the Presence of
Scandinavians in Eastern Europe. Brill, Leiden, The
Netherlands. 289 pp.
Dumézil, G. 1973. Gods of the Ancient Northmen. University
of California Press, Berkeley, CA, USA. 157 pp.
Eithun, B., et al. (Ed. and Tr.). 1994. Den eldre Gulatingslova.
Riksarkivet, Nikolai Olsens Trykkeri a.s., Oslo,
Norway. 208 pp.
Engeler, S. 1991. Altnordische Geldwörter. Peter Lang,
Frankfurt am Main, Germany. 245 pp.
Eriksen, M.H. 2014. The powerful ring: Door rings,
oath rings, and the sacral place. Pp. 73–87, In M.H.
Eriksen, U. Pedersen, B. Rundberget, and I. Axelsen
(Eds.). Viking Worlds: Things, Spaces, and Movement.
Oxbow Books, Oxford, UK .
Fabech, C. 2001. The spatial distribution of gold hoards
in southern Scandinavia and the geography of power.
Pp. 189–204, In B. Magnus (Ed.). Roman Gold and
the Development of the Early Germanic Kingdoms.
Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien,
Konferenser 51, Stockholm, Sweden. 319 pp.
Fabech, C. 2006. Centrality in Old Norse mental landscapes:
A dialogue between arranged and natural
places? Pp. 26–32, In A. Andrén et al. (Eds.). Old
Norse Religion in Long-Term Perspectives. Nordic
Academic Press, Lund, Sweden. 416 pp.
Faulkes, A. (Ed. and Tr.). 1987. Snorri Sturluson: Edda.
Everyman, London, UK. 260 pp.
Fidjestøl, B. 1999. The Dating of Eddic Poetry: A Historical
Survey and Methodological Investigation, Bibliotheca
Arnamagnæana, Reitzel, Copenhagen, Denmark.
376 pp.
Finsen, V. (Ed.). 1852. Grágás. Første del text 1. Det nordiske
Literatursamfund, København, Denmark. 250 pp.
Frense, B. 1982. Religion och rätt: En studie till belysning
av relationen religion—rätt i förkristen nordisk kultur.
Lunds universitet, Lund, Sweden. 330 pp.
Fritzner, J. 1973. Ordbog over det gamle norske sprog.
Omarbeidet, forøget og forbedret udgave. 4 vol. Universitetsforlaget,
Oslo, Norway.
Gansum, T. 2004. Role the bones—From iron to steel.
Norwegian Archaeological Review 37.2:41–57.
Garipzanov, I. 2008. Franks, Northmen, and Slavs: Identities
and State Formation in Early Medieval Europe.
Turnhout, Brepols, Belgium, 266 pp.
Gelting, M. 2011. Circumstantial evidence: Danish charters
of the thirteenth century. Pp. 157–195, In M.
Mostert and P.S. Barnwell (Eds.). Medieval Legal Process:
Physical, Spoken, and Written Performance in
the Middle Ages. Turnhout, Brepols, Belgium. 299 pp.
Green, D.H. 1998. Language and History in the Early
Germanic World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
UK. 444 pp.
Grimm, J. 1816 (reprinted 1957). Von der Poesie im Recht.
Abdruck der ersten Veröffentlichung in: Zeitschrift für
geschichtliche Rechtswissenschaft, Band II jahrgang
1816, Heft 1, Seite 25–99. Buchdruckerei H. Kaupp,
Tübingen, Germany. 69 pp.
Grundtvig, S. 1871. Om de Gotiske Folks Våbenéd. Det
Kgl. Videnskabernes Selskab, København, Denmark.
63 pp.
Gunnell, T. 1995. The Origins of Drama in Scandinavia.
Brewer, Woodbridge, UK. 414 pp.
Habbe, P. 2005. Att se och tänka med ritual: Kontrakterande
ritualer i de isländska släktsagorna. Lund,
Nordic Academic Press, Lund, Sweden. 277 pp.
Hedeager, L. 2011. Iron Age Myth and Materiality: An Archaeology
of Scandinavia AD 400–1000. Routledge.
Taylor and Francis Group, London, UK. 286 pp.
Herschend, F. 2001. Written on terrestrial things: A discussion
of some Scandinavian runic inscriptions up
to the 6th century AD. Pp. 352–380, In M. Stausberg
(Ed.). Kontinuität und Brüche in der Religionsgeschichte:
Festschrift für Anders Hultgård zu seinem
65. Geburtstag am 23.12.2001, Walter de Gruyter,
Berlin, Germany. 674 pp.
Herschend, F. 2009. Mellan tal och skrift. Essäer om
runinskrifter. Uppsala Universitet, Uppsala, Sweden.
122 pp.
Hibbitts, B.J. 1992. “Coming to our senses”: Communication
and legal expression in performance cultures. The
Emory Law Journal 41(4):874–958.
Hoftun, O. 1997. “… kvit aur øses over treet”. Det hellig
hvite i jernalderen. Viking 60:43–56.
Holmberg, B. 1996. Stednavne som historisk kilde. Pp.
53–71, In O. Crumlin-Pedersen (Ed.). Atlas over Fyns
kyst i jernalder, vikingetid og middelalder. Odense
Universitetsforlag, Odense, Denmark. 308 pp.
Holtsmark, A. 1941. Kong Atles eder. Maal og Minne
33:1–10.
Hreinsson, V. (Ed.). 1997. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders:
Including 49 tales. 5 vol. Leifur Eiríksson
Publishing, Reykjavík, Iceland.
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
154
Huizinga, J. 1938. (Dutch version, English 1955). Homo
Ludens: A Study of the Play-Element in Culture. Beacon
Press, Boston, MA, USA. 220 pp.
Hüpper-Dröge, D. 1981. Schutz- und Agriffswaffen nach
den Leges und verwandten Fränkischen Rechtsquellen.
Pp. 107–127, In K. Hauck. (Ed.). Wörter und Sachen
im Lichte der Bezichnungsforschung. Arbeiten zur
Frühmittelalterforschung. Schriftenreihe des Instituts
für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster.
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, Germany. 1981. 284 pp.
Iversen, F. 2008. Eiendom, makt og statsdannelse: kongsgårder
og gods i Hordaland i yngre jernalder og middelalder.
Institutt for arkeologi, historie, kultur og
religionsvitenskap, Det humanistiske fakultet, Universitetet
i Bergen, Bergen, Norway. 416 pp.
Jónsson, F. (Ed.). 1900. Snorri Sturluson Edda. Forlagt
af Universitetsboghandler G.E.C. Gad, Nielsen and
Lydiche, København, Denmark. 237 pp.
Jónsson F. (Ed.). 1931. Edda Snorra Sturlusonar. Gyldendal,
København, Denmark. 273 pp.
Kabell, Aa. 1975. Baugi und der Ringeid. Arkiv För Nordisk
Filologi 90:30–40.
Karlsson, G. 2009. Was Iceland the Galapagos of Germanic
political culture? Gripla 2:77–91.
Keyser, R., and P.A. Munch. (Eds.). 1846. Norges gamle
Love indtil 1387. Første Bind, ældre end Kong
Magnus Haakonssøns Regjerings-Tiltrædelse i 1263.
Chr. Gröndahl, Christiania, Norway. 463 pp.
Kilger, C. 2008. Wholeness and holiness: Counting,
weighing, and valuing silver in the Early Viking
period. Pp. 253–325, In D. Skre (Ed.). Means of Exchange:
Dealing with Silver in the Viking Age. Aarhus
University Press, Århus, Denmark. 378 pp.
Larrington, C. (Ed. and Tr.). 1996. The Poetic Edda. Oxford
University Press, Oxford, UK. 323 pp.
Läffler, L.F. 1905. Ännu några ord om de hedniska edsformulären
I Norden. Antiqvarisk tidskrift för Sverige
13:1–11.
MacCulloch, J.A. 1911. The Religion of the Ancient Celts.
Clark, Edinburgh, UK. 399 pp.
Maitland, F.W. 1911. The Collected Papers of Frederic
William Maitland. 3 vol. H.A.L. Fisher (Ed.). Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, UK.
Mallory, J.P., and T.E. MacNeill. 1991. The Archaeology
of Ulster from Colonization to Plantation. Institute of
Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast, Antrim,
Belfast, Northern Ireland. 367 pp.
Mees, B. 2013. Weaving Words: Law and Performance
in Early Nordic Tradition. Amsterdamer Beiträge zur
älterem Germanistik 70:131–150.
Neckel, G., and H. Kuhn. (Eds.). 1983. Edda: die Lieder
des Codex Regius nebst verwandten Denkmälern. I.
Text. 5. verbesserte Auflage. Carl Winter, Universitätsverlag,
Heidelberg, Germany. 339 pp.
Nelson, J.L. (Ed. and Tr.) 1991. The Annals of St-Bertin.
Manchester University Press, Manchester, UK. 267 pp.
Nerman, B. 1931. The poetic Edda in the Light of Archaeology.
AMS Press, New York, NY, USA. 94 pp.
Nordberg, A. 2006. Krigarna i Odins sal: Dödsföreställningar
och krigarkult i fornnordisk religion. Stockholms
universitet, Religionshistoriska institutionen.
Stockholm, Sweden. 339 pp.
Näsström, B-M. 2003. Freyja: The Great Goddess of the
North. Clock and Rose Press, Harwich Port, MA,
USA. 202 pp.
Oliver, L. 2002. The Beginnings of English Law. University
of Toronto Press, Toronto, ON, Canada. 297 pp.
Olsen, M. 1926. Ættegård og helligdom. H. Aschehoug &
Co., Oslo, Norway. 302 pp.
Olsen, O. 1966. Hørg, hov og kirke: Historiske og
arkæologiske vikingetidsstudier. Lynge, København,
Denmark. 307 pp.
Oma, K. 2011. Hesten: En magisk følgesvenn i nordisk
forhistorie. Cappelen Damm, Oslo, Norway. 205 pp.
Page, R.I. 1995. Chronicles of the Vikings: Records,
Memorials, and Myths. University of Toronto Press,
Toronto, ON, Canada. 240 pp.
Raudvere, C. 2005. The power of the spoken word as literary
motif and ritual practise in Old Norse literature.
Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 1:179–202.
Reuter, T. 1992. The Annals of Fulda. Manchester University
Press, Manchester, UK. 174 pp.
Riisøy, A.I. 2010. Outlaw and unclean in Old Norse society.
Pp. 19–26, In S. Crawford and C. Lee (Eds.).
Studies in Early Medicine 1, Bodies of Knowledge:
Cultural Interpretations of Illness and Medicine in
Medieval Europe. BAR sub-series (Archaeopress),
Oxford, UK. 70 pp.
Riisøy, A.I. 2013. Sacred legal places in Eddic poetry:
Reflected in real life? Journal of the North Atlantic
Special Volume 5:28–31.
Riisøy, A.I. 2014. Outlawry: From western Norway to
England. Pp. 101–129, In S. Brink and L. Collinson
(Eds.). New Approaches to Early Law in Scandinavia.
Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium. 206 pp.
Riisoy, A.I. In press. Eddic poetry: A gateway to Late
Iron Age ladies of law. Journal of the North Atlantic
Special Volume 8.
Rives, J.B. (Ed. and Tr.). 2002. Tacitus, Germania. Clarendon
Press, Oxford, UK. 346 pp.
Ruthström, B. 1990. Forsa-ristningen—vikingatida virätt?
Arkiv För Nordisk Filologi 105:41–55.
Røsstad, R. 1997. A tveim tungum: Om stil og stilvariasjon
i norrønt lovmål. Noregs forskingsråd, Oslo,
Norway. 118 pp.
Sawyer, B. 2000. The Viking-Age Rune-Stones: Custom
and Commemoration in Early Medieval Scandinavia.
Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. 276 pp.
Schlyter, C.J. 1827. Corpus iuris sueo-gotorum antiqui.
Samling af Sweriges gamla lagar, på kongl. maj:ts
nådigste befallning utgifven af D.C.J. Schlyter. Vol.
1, Westgøtalagen. Berlingska boktryckeriet, Lund,
Sweden. 592 pp.
Schmidt-Wiegand, R. 1977. Eid und Gelöbnis. Formel
und formular im mittelalterlichen recht. Pp. 55–90,
In P. Classen (Ed.). Recht und Schrift im Mittelalter.
Sigmaringen, Thorbecke, Germany. 518 pp.
Sherbowitz-Wetzor, S. (Ed. and Tr.). 1953. The Russian
Primary Chronicle: Laurentian text. Mediaeval Academy
of America, Cambridge, MA, USA. 313 pp.
Sigurðsson, J.V. 2011. Kings, earls, and chieftains: Rulers
in Norway, Orkney, and Iceland. Pp. 69–108, In G.
Steinsland, J.V. Sigurðsson, J.E. Rekdal, and I. Beuermann.
(Eds.). Ideology and Power in the Viking and
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
155
Middle Ages: Scandinavia, Iceland, Ireland, Orkney,
and the Faeroes. Brill, Leiden, the Netherlands. 2011.
405 pp.
Simek, R. 1993. Dictionary of Northern Mythology. D.S.
Brewer, Cambridge, UK. 424 pp.
Sjöholm, E. 1988. Sveriges medeltidslagar: Europeisk
rättstradition i politisk omvandling. Rättshistoriskt
bibliotek 41, Nordiska bokhandeln, Lund, Sweden.
331 pp.
Solberg, B. 1999. ”Holy white stones”. Remains of a
fertility cult in Norway. Pp. 99–106, In U. von Freden
(Ed.). Völker an Nord—und Ostsee und die Franken:
Akten des 48. Sachsensymposiums in Mannheim vom
7. bis 11. September 1994. Habelt, Bonn, Germany.
232 pp.
Sonne, L.C.A. 2013 Thor-kult i vikingetiden. Historiske
studier i vikingtidens religion. Museum Tusculanums
Forlag, København, Denmark. 236 pp.
Stacey, R.C. 2007. Dark Speech: The Performance of Law
in Early Ireland. University of Pennsylvania Press,
Philadelphia, PA, USA. 354 pp.
Steenstrup, J. 1878. Normannerne, vol. II, Vikingetogene
mod vest i det 9de aarhundrede. I. Cohens bogtrykkeri,
Kjøbenhavn, Denmark. 406 pp.
Stenholm, A.-M.H., 2011. Lilla Ullevi—en kultplats. Pp.
49–56, In Makt, kult och plats. Högstatusmiljöer under
den äldre järnåldern kultplatser. Arkeologi i Stockholms
län 5. 95 pp.
Stein-Wilkeshuis, M. 2002. Scandinavians swearing oaths
in tenth-century Russia: Pagans and Christians. Journal
of Medieval History 28:155–168.
Steuer, H. 1987. Helm und ringschwert. Prunktbewaffnung
und rangbezeichen germanischer kieger. Eine
Übersicht. Studien zur Sachsenforschung 6:190–236.
Storm, G., and E. Hertzberg. (Eds.). 1895. Norges
gamle Love indtil 1387. Femte Bind, indeholdende
Supplement til foregaaende Bind og Facsimiler samt
Glossarium med Registre. Chr. Gröndahl, Christiania,
Norway. 864 pp.
Strömbäck, D. 1928. Att Helga land. Studier i landnáma
och det äldsta rituelle besittningstagandet. Pp. 198–
220, In Festskrift tillägnad Axel Hägerström, den 6
September 1928 av Filosofiska och Juridiska Föreningarna
i Uppsala. Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri
A.B. Uppsala, Sweden.
Sundqvist, O. 2001. Features of Pre-Christian inauguration
rituals in the Medieval Swedish laws. Pp. 620–
650, In M. Stausberg (Ed.). Kontinuitäten und Brüche
in der Religionsgeschichte: Festschrift für Anders
Hultgård zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 23.12.2001. De
Gruyter, Berlin, Germany. 674 pp.
Sundqvist, O. 2002. Freyr’s Offspring. Rulers and Religion
in Ancient Svea Society. Uppsala Universitet,
Uppsala, Sweden. 420 pp.
Sundqvist, O. 2007. Kultledare i fornskandinavisk religion.
Occasional papers in Archaeology, 41, Uppsala
University, Uppsala, Sweden. 272 pp.
Sundqvist, O. 2011. Vi-platsernas väktare. Pp. 90–95,
In Makt, kult och plats. Högstatusmiljöer under den
äldre järnåldern kultplatser. Arkeologi i Stockholms
län 5. 95 pp.
Sundqvist, O. 2015. Custodian of the sanctuary: Protecting
sacred space as a ritual strategy for gaining
legitimacy and power in Pre-Christian Scandinavia.
Pp. 113–135, In Rituals, Performatives, and Political
Order in Northern Europe, c. 650–1350. Brepols,
Turnhout, Belgium. 366 pp.
Svensson, K. 2011. Götavi—en vikingatida kultplats i
Närke. Pp. 67–77, In Makt, kult och plats. Högstatusmiljöer
under den äldre järnåldern kultplatser. Arkeologi
i Stockholms län 5. 95 pp.
Swanton, M. (Ed. and Tr.). 2000. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles.
Phoenix, London, UK. 364 pp.
Taranger, A. 1913. The meaning of the words óðal and
skeyting in the old laws of Norway. Pp. 159–173, In
P. Vinogradoff (Ed.). Essays in Legal History. Oxford
University Press, Oxford. UK. 1913. 396 pp.
Thorvaldsen, B.Ø. 2010. The poetic curse and its relatives.
Pp. 253–267, In S. Rankovic, L. Melve, and E.
Mundal (Eds.). Along the Oral–Written Continuum:
Types of Texts, Relations, and their Implications.
Brepols, Turnhout, Belgium. 488 pp.
Thorvaldsen, B.Ø. 2011. The níðingr and the wolf. Viking
and Medieval Scandinavia 7:171–196.
Torp, A. 1919 (Ed.). Nynorsk etymologisk ordbok. Aschehoug,
Kristiania, Norway. 886 pp.
Valente, M. 2008. The Vikings in Ireland: Settlement,
Trade, and Urbanization. Four Courts Press, Dublin,
Northern Ireland. 216 pp.
Vikstrand, P. 2011. Ullevi och Götavi. Pp. 58–64, In
Makt, kult och plats. Högstatusmiljöer under den äldre
järnåldern kultplatser. Arkeologi i Stockholms län 5.
95 pp.
Vogt, W.H. 1936. Altnorwegens Urfehdebann und der
Geleitschwur. Tryggðamál und Griðamál. Verlag Hermann
Böhlaus Nachf., Weimar, Germany. 213 pp.
Wendt, A. 2007–2008. Viking Age gold rings and the
question of “gefolgschaft”. Lund Archaeological Review
13–14:75–89.
Whitelock, D. (Ed. and Tr.). 1955. English Historical
Documents c. 500–1042. Eyre and Spottiswode, London,
UK. 867 pp.
Zachrisson, T. 1998. Gård, gräns, gravfält: Sammanhang
kring ädelmetalldepåer och runstanar från vikingatid
och tidigmedeltid i Uppland och Gästrikland. Stockholms
universitet, Stockholm, Sveden. 411 pp.
Øyrehagen Sunde, J. 2007. De skal vera samde menn —Ei
vitskapleg fundering og spekulasjon over den eldste
norske prosessen. Pp. 305–322, In P. Asp and G. Inger
(Eds.). Eftersyn och eftertanke. De Lege - Juridiska
Fakulteten i Uppsala Årsbok 2007. 322 pp.
Østigård, T. 2007. Transformatøren—Ildens mester i jernalderen.
Göteborg universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi
och antikens kultur, Göteborg, Sweden. 199 pp.
Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisoy
2016 Special Volume 8
156
Endnotes
1The inscription reads WagegastiR sikijar aiþalatar
“Waweguest the wetland dweller and oath speaker”, and
Herschend (2001:366–370) also discussed bindawarijar,
a compound term meaning “warden” + oath i.e. “the oath
binder”; cf. Elmer H. Antonsen’s (2002:10–12) translation
of bidawarijaz as oath-defender. Other early runic
inscriptions with a clear legal flavor are discussed in
Mees (2013).
2When material remains are used as dating criteria, it is apparent
that in a variety of forms some eddic poems were
in circulation during the Viking Age and even earlier.
Birger Nerman, who had the philological as well as the
archaeological expertise, made pioneering studies with
this approach, and he placed the material remains in eddic
poems in the Viking Age and Migration Period (Nerman
1931). On the whole, the philologist Bjarne Fidjestøl
(1999:145–150) assessed Nerman’s methodological approach
positively.
3Stefan Brink (2011:154) noted that the receiving of fasta
(i.e., holding the shaft of a spear) was conducted when
land was sold, divided, given away, or pledged according
to the Old Swedish law, the Law of Östergötland, and may
be linked to the obscure use of gariethingx, as a kind of
donation or gift, in the Lombard Laws.
4In Droplaugarsona saga, ch. 6, Sveinung swore on an
altar-ring (Hreinsson [vol. IV] 1997:363), Glum swore
an oath on a ring in Víga-Glúms saga (Hreinsson [vol.
II] 1997:307–308), and in Eyrbyggja saga (ch. 16)
Arnkel took an oath on an altar-ring (Hreinsson [vol. V]
1997:143).
5Green (1998:67–68) suggested that it may have been a
common West Germanic vocabulary, and also practice,
whereby weapons, war-horses, and rings were given
from the ruler or leader to the follower, and Hedeager
(2011:12–13) found similar practice mirrored in archaeology
and mythology.
6The Second Lay of Gudrun, stanza 43 (Larrington
1996:202, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:231), notes that heads
will be cut of the white sacrificial beasts (hvítinga), a
term which is obscure (Larrington 1996:289). In ancient
Indo-European tradition, symbolic colors were related to
various social classes, and the color white belonged to
the so-called “first function”, where priests and the sacred
belonged (Dumézil 1973:124). Georges Dumézil found
that the List of Rig conforms to this color-pattern; where
the boy Jarl is blond and bright, the little farmer, baby
Karl, was red and rosy, and baby thrall was dark (stanzas
34, 21, 7; Larrington 1996:247–250, Neckel and Kuhn
1983:281–285).
7The element Odin occurs in Old English place names
(Dronke 1969:64), and possibly also in German pagan
place names. For example, in Hessia the large hill of
Gudensberg is attested in 1119 as Guodenesberch, where
Gudens is derived from Old High German genitive
Wodenes (Clay 2010:297).