Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
134
Introduction
The following paper deals with an issue that has
not been analyzed in great detail so far: the locations
which contemporary early medieval historiography
reports to be assembly sites in Saxony. The search
for pre-Christian thing-sites and similar sites, especially
since the beginning of the 19th century, can
be dismissed for this analysis because they often do
not meet scientific standards (Wood 2013, Puschner
2004). One of the central difficulties with regard to
these issues is that the Old Saxons were mostly illiterate.
Historiographical sources come from Christians,
mostly from Irish, Anglo-Saxons, and Franks.
The information obtained in this way is therefore
to some extent one-sided. The potential value of
archaeological findings is also considered. What
information can therefore be retrieved from reading
the sources?
The Area in Question: Saxony Between the 7th
and 10th Centuries
In this paper, “Saxony” is defined as the region
between the rivers Rhine and Elbe that extends to
the coasts of the North Sea and the Baltic Sea in the
north and to the northern ranges of the lower mountains
in the south (Fig. 1). It is the region subdued
by Charlemagne and integrated into the Frankish
Empire in the last third of the 8th century. This historic
region approximately covered the present-day
German states of (North Rhine-) Westphalia, Lower
Saxony, and Saxony-Anhalt as well as Schleswig-
Holstein and Mecklenburg-West-Pomerania. The
people populating this area are generally called “Old
Saxons”, and the region is named “Old Saxony”.
These terms correspond to the Latin terms Saxones
and Saxonia, which refer to the “Continental Saxons”
without exception.
This area is usually divided into two to three regions:
Westphalia and Eastern Saxony, with the area
“Engern” extending in between from north to south
along the river Weser (Springer 2004a:250–255).
Who this division can be attributed to, is not an insignificant
question: If it was a Saxon classification,
we can assume there may have been Saxon assembly
sites for the region. If on the other hand, this distinction
has been made by the Franks, the central locations
of the regions were more likely of a Frankish
than Saxon nature.
The internal structure has been convincingly
refuted as Old Saxon, by the assertion that it’s
structure does not follow the direction of the Saxon
expansion from north to south, but instead aligns to
the Frankish expansion from west to east (Springer
2009). However, the legal sources show regional differences,
e.g., in the Westphalian inheritance laws,
and these may mirror older regional habits.
Two sources: Bede and the Vita Lebuini
Whatever the final answer to this question will be,
it needs to be kept in mind that the sources about this
division of the Saxon territories in three parts as well
as the written fixation of the Saxon laws only emerged
during or in the aftermath of the Saxon wars.
There are older sources about the Saxons that
originate from Anglo-Saxon England, but they give
only little information about the so-called “Continental
Saxons”.
The Vita Lebuini Antiqua. The elder “Vita Lebuini”
originated around the year A.D. 900 and reports
Between Marklo and Merseburg: Assemblies and their Sites in Saxony
from the Beginning of Christianization to the Time of the Ottonian Kings
Caspar Ehlers*
Abstract - Are there any continuities between the places of assemblies in Saxony before the Frankish conquest and after?
What do we know about the sites and their locations, use, and function for the Saxons and the kings of the east-Frankish
realm during the 10th century? This paper shows the spatial differences between the western part of Saxonia and the eastern
regions and highlights chronological changes evident between the reign of the Carolingians and their successors, the Ottonian
kings, which were of Saxon origin.
… solam pene famam sequens in hac parte [de origine statuque gentis], nimia vetustate omnem fere certitudinem
obscurante.
“… I have to follow mostly the legends in this part [on the origins of the elder Saxons] because the distant time
is darkening any certainty.”
Widukind of Corvey, Res Gestae Saxonicae, book I, chapter 2
Debating the Thing in the North: The Assembly Project II
Journal of the North Atlantic
*Max Planck Institute for European Legal History, Hansaallee 41, 60323 Frankfurt am Main, Germany; ehlers@rg.mpg.de.
2016 Special Volume 8:134–140
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
135
on the life of St. Lebuin who may have died around
A.D. 775. On the occasion of St. Lebuin’s visit to
the inner Saxon lands, it gives the following account
of the Saxons and their inner constitution in the 8th
century shortly before the wars of Charlemagne
(Vita Lebuini antiqua: chapter 4, p.793):
Regem antiqui Saxones non habebant, sed per
pagos satrapas constitutos; morisque erat, ut
semel in anno generale consilium agerent
in media Saxonia iuxta fluvium Wisuram ad
locum qui dicitur Marklo. Solebant ibi omnes
in unum satrapae convenire, ex pagis quoque
singulis duodecim electi nobiles totidemque
liberi totidemque lati. Renovabant ibi leges,
praecipuas causas adiudicabant et, quid per
annum essent acturi sive in bello sive in pace,
communi consilio statuebant.
“In olden times, the Saxons had no king but
appointed rulers over each village; and their
custom was to hold a general meeting once
a year in the center of Saxony near the river
Yser at a place called Marklo. There all the
leaders used to gather together and they were
joined by twelve noblemen from each village
with as many freedmen and serfs. There they
confirmed the laws, gave judgment on outstanding
cases, and by common consent drew
up plans for the coming year on which they
could act either in peace or war.”
For centuries historians have struggled in vain to
identify the locality of Marklo. In the year 1931, the
renaming of the town Lohe in Marklohe (near Nienburg
at the river Weser in Lower Saxony) seemed to
offer up a possibility, yet the exact location remains
unidentified. This uncertainty about Marklo does
not necessarily call into question all other details of
the report. What raises doubt is rather the significant
time span between the event and the source and that
the author of the elder Vita Lebuini based his report
on other master copies; significant parts of the text
have been plagiarized.
Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum.
Long before the Vita Lebuini, Bede Venerabilis (who
was born around A.D. 672/673 in Northumbria and
died in the convent of Jarrow on May 26, A.D. 735)
reported in his “Ecclesiastical History of the English
People” about two Anglo-Saxon missionaries of the
7th century, the so-called “two Ewalds”, and the Old
Figure 1. Map of Saxony in the early medieval period (from Ehle rs 2007).
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
136
Saxons (HE [V]:10, Jane 1903 [3]:58):
Qui uenientes in prouinciam intrauerunt hospitium
cuiusdam uilici, petieruntque ab eo, ut
transmitterentur ad satrapam, qui super eum
erat, eo quod haberent aliquid legationis et
causae utilis, quod deberent ad illum perferre.
Non enim habent regem idem Antiqui Saxones,
sed satrapas plurimos suae genti praepositos,
qui ingruente belli articulo mittunt aequaliter
sortes, et, quemcumque sors ostenderit, hunc
tempore belli ducem omnes sequuntur, huic
obtemperant; peracto autem bello, rursum
aequalis potentiae omnes fiunt satrapae.
“On entering that province, [the two Ewalds]
took up their lodging in a certain steward’s
house, and requested that he would conduct
them to his lord, for that they had a message,
and something to his advantage, to communicate
to him; for those Ancient Saxons have no
king, but several lords that rule their nation;
and when any war happens, they cast lots indifferently,
and on whomsoever the lot falls,
him they follow and obey during the war; but
as soon as the war is ended, all those lords are
again equal in power”.
The report suggests an inner hierarchy of the Saxon
society: the Satraps lead their people and, in times of
war, elected a commander-in-chief by lot. It remains
unclear whether Bede describes “continental” or
“insular” conditions with these words, although the
“two Ewalds” have supposedly conducted their work
in Westphalia. It is said that they suffered martyrdom
close to Dortmund at the end of the 7th century, and
their relics were brought to Cologne by the Carolingian
Pippin (who died in 714) (Bautz 1990). In the
year 1074, archbishop Anno II (reg. from 1056 to
1075) transferred the relics to St. Kunibert (Bautz
1990). It is undisputed that the unknown author of
the elder Vita Lebuini refers to Bede when he speaks
of the Saxons as a people without a king, but perhaps
Bede was not fully cognizant of the social reality
of the Saxons—to readers well versed in the Bible,
both the absence of a king and the existence of Satraps
have evoked different thoughts.
We read in Bede (as cited and translated above):
non habent enim regem idem antiqui Saxones. In the
Old Testamentarian Liber Proverbiorum/Knowledge
we learn about locusts (30.27): regem lucusta
non habet et egreditur universa per turmas (Vulgata:
985), which has been translated to “the locusts hath
no king, yet they all go out by their bands” (Holy
Bible: 701).
And Bede continues: sed satrapas plurimos suae
genti praepositos. Again, a parallel passage can be
found in the Old Testament. The Book of Daniel
(6.1) says: Placuit Dario et constituit supra regnum
satrapas centum et viginti ut essent in toto regno suo
(Vulgata: 1356), translated as follows: “It seemed
good to Darius, and he appointed over the kingdom
a hundred and twenty governors to be over his whole
kingdom” (Holy Bible: 982).
The locusts as well as the Persians share one
common feature: they posed an existential threat—
as did the pagan Saxons. Bede may have written with
an ambiguous double meaning and been rather less
interested in the realities of Old Saxon society. The
author of the Vita Lebuini seems to have adopted
Bede’s description about the absence of a king and
the role of the Satraps—an assumption proven by the
use of the term satrapae—and added new information
with the place name Marklo, but perhaps this
piece of information was only added to make his
report more believable?
These reflections concern the value of the reports
about the situation of the Saxons and do not necessarily
call into question the credibility of the Saxon
assemblies themselves. In line with recent research,
however, one should perhaps treat the factuality of
the location “Marklo” with caution (Becher 2001,
Springer 2004a:135–152).
Assembly Sites in Saxony?
The Saxons clearly assembled at times (see
below), but at what level did these assemblies function?
Were they locally, regionally, or centrally
organized? The 34th chapter of the Capitulatio de
Partibus Saxoniae from the year A.D. 782 hints to
the existence of Saxon assemblies: Interdiximus ut
omnes Saxones generaliter conventus publicos nec
faciant … (“We generally forbid that Saxons hold
public assemblies …”).
This edict does not imply a general assembly ban;
the same instruction continues: … nisi forte missus
noster de verbo nostro eos congregare fecerit; sed
unusquisque comes in suo ministerio placita et
iustitias faciat. Et hoc a sacerdotibus consideretur,
ne aliter faciat (“… if not an envoy on our behalf
expressively requests their assembly; furthermore,
every Earl shall adjudicate and pass ordinances in
his district. This shall be supervised by priests so
that nobody else would do it”).
The Saxons it seems were allowed to assemble,
but only by direction of the victors, while their officials
and priests oversaw the correct observance
of the commands. The Empire and the church thus
joined efforts in introducing a new order in the subdued
Saxon lands, whose people were to be integrated
into the Frankish realm. It cannot be doubted that
Saxon assemblies took place prior to the regulations
of the Capitulatio de Partibus Saxoniae as well as
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
137
afterwards; how they were conducted and where they
took place, however, remains unknown. It can be
assumed that larger assemblies were integrated into
Frankish reports after the edict of the Capitulatio.
Recorded assemblies in the Saxonia—Carolingian
Period (8th and 9th centuries)
Immediately after the outbreak of the Saxon
wars, Charlemagne started to hold assemblies in
Saxony. We do not know to what extent he chose
the assembly sites according to existing Saxon
traditions or if he used new Frankish foundations.
For the period from the Carolingians to the death of
Conrad I (December 23, A.D. 918), the following list
of documented Frankish assemblies in conquered
Saxon territory has been compiled (Ehlers 2007):
A.D. 772, Charlemagne at Eresburg, demolition
of the Irminsul; Placitum with some
Saxons super Wisoram (upper course of river
Weser?).
A.D. 777, Charlemagne at Paderborn – Westphalia
A.D. 780, Charlemagne at Lippspringe – Westphalia
A.D. 782, Charlemagne at Lippspringe: Capitulatio
de Partibus Saxoniae – Westphalia
A.D. 785, Charlemagne at Paderborn – Westphalia
A.D. 797, Charlemagne at Herstelle – Westphalia
A.D. 799, Charlemagne with Pope Leo at Paderborn
– Westphalia
A.D. 804, Charlemagne at Lippspringe – Westphalia
A.D. 804, Charlemagne at Hollenstedt – Westphalia/
North Albingia
A.D. 815, Louis the Pious at Paderborn –
Westphalia
A.D. 840, Louis the German at Paderborn –
Westphalia
A.D. 845, Louis the German at Paderborn –
Westphalia
A.D. 852, Louis the German at Minden – Westphalia
A.D. 852, Louis the German at Erfurt –
Thuringia
These gatherings were also a demonstration by
the victors, even if the Saxon wars can only be said
to have ended in the first years of the 9th century; the
Franks gathered in these lands because they could.
It appears that the assemblies always took place
in Westphalian localities between the river Rhine
and Weser that had been secured early on. Presumably,
the Franks planned to set up this region as a
“mark”, one of those well-protected border areas
that serve as a buffer zone to the actual frontiers,
like, for example, the “Spanish Mark” on the Spanish
side of the Pyrenees.
Thus, even before the end of the conflict, central
locations originated beyond the primary eastern border
of Francia in a region that could not be reached
by Christian missionaries. In the course of the 9th
century, several bishop’s sees were created in Saxony:
Osnabrück, Münster, Paderborn, Minden, Hamburg/
Bremen, Verden, Hildesheim, and Halberstadt.
According to canon law, they, too, were potential
assembly sites for gatherings within the diocese.
With the establishment of the bishop’s see at the
palatinate of Charlemagne, Paderborn obtained a
special position in the secular as well as the ecclesiastic
world that kept its significance well beyond the
Carolingian era and into modern times.
Recorded assemblies in Saxonia during the early
Ottonian Dynasty (Henry I and Otto I)
Moving now to the 10th century, by which time
the reign of the “Old Saxons” had come to an end
some one and a half centuries before, Heinrich
I (reg. A.D. 919–936), an east Saxon nobleman,
ascended to the East-Frankish-German throne. An
analysis of the assemblies held in Saxony during
Heinrich’s and his son’s Otto I (reg. A.D. 936–973)
reign is useful in order to see whether Carolingian
customs remained:
A.D. 924, Heinrich I at Werla – Eastern Saxony
A.D. 929, Heinrich I at Quedlinburg – Eastern
Saxony
A.D. 936, Heinrich I at Erfurt – Thuringia
A.D. 937, Otto I at Magdeburg – Eastern Saxony
A.D. 938, Otto I at Steele – Westphalia
A.D. 945, Otto I at Duisburg – Westphalia
A.D. 953, Otto I at Dortmund – Westphalia
A.D. 954, Otto I at Arnstadt – Thuringia
A.D. 959, Otto I at Quedlinburg – Eastern
Saxony
A.D. 965, Otto I at Magdeburg – Eastern Saxony
A.D. 966, Otto I at Quedlinburg – Eastern
Saxony
A.D. 973, Otto I at Quedlinburg – Eastern
Saxony
A.D. 973, Otto II at Magdeburg – Eastern Saxony;
burial of Otto I.
Werla (four times) and Saalfeld were used for
Saxon gatherings in the 10th century.
Two aspects attract attention. For the first time,
Saxon assemblies are documented; rather than just
imperial assemblies being held in Saxony, assemblies
of Saxons (in Werla and Saalfeld) are reported.
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
138
Furthermore, the assembly sites seem to have generally
shifted more towards the east, under the Ottonians
who had their core region here (Müller-Mertens
1980). It can be proven that Duisburg and Dortmund,
as well as Steele (near Essen) were selected due to
their advantageous position at the pathway Hellweg,
an important traffic route from Western to Eastern
Europe. Figure 2 shows these previously mentioned
locations of the gatherings that took place in the
Ottonian or Carolingian era, respectively. The Carolingian
and Ottonian gathering sites are marked red
and green, respectively (Fig. 2).
Under the Ottonians, new dioceses were founded
along the eastern border of the empire: Oldenburg in
Holstein, Brandenburg, Ratzeburg, and Havelberg on
the eastern side of the river Elbe; Magdeburg, Merseburg,
and Zeitz in the region of Elbe and Saale (Ehlers
2007:316–368). Furthermore, numerous convents
like Quedlinburg were founded and built at new central
locations alongside the bishop’s sees in the newly
integrated Frankish lands that had only been converted
to Christianity a century before (Ehlers 2011).
These locations, too, may have been used for assemblies
of local, regional, and imperial significance,
Figure 2. The gathering places of the Carolingians and the Ottonians. Carolingian Sites (red dots): Eresburg, Erfurt, Herstelle,
Hollenstedt, Lippspringe, Minden, and Paderborn. Ottonian Sites (green dots): Arnstadt, Dortmund, Duisburg, Erfurt,
Magdeburg, Steele, Quedlinburg, and Werla. Map by Thomas Pertlwieser.
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
139
10th century onwards that authors from within the
Saxon culture start to report, but they, too, are of
Christian descent and by then enrooted in Frankish
culture and tradition, like for example Rudolf of
Fulda or Widukind of Corvey.
Archaeological findings are silent by nature, but
can by comparison with insular and other external
Saxon findings give a voice to undocumented
traditions. However, the record and context for
north-German Saxony remains sparse.
Despite this, it is beyond controversy that the
Saxons held assemblies. The Capitulatio de Partibus
Saxoniae explicitly regulates continuance of these
customs. The report in the Vita Lebuini suggests
that there must have been a central assembly site
for all Saxons, but Bede is the source with regard
to the inner structure of the Saxons. The place name
Marklo is only referred to in the Vita. The report
remains dubious, especially in the apparent absence
of a common Saxon tribal consciousness prior to
the integration of the Saxon lands into the Frankish
Kingdom (Ehlers 2007), which suggests a region
populated by numerous small political groupings
(Springer 2004b). Reports in Frankish annals about
the course of the wars point in that direction. “Saxony”
may itself have been a product of the Frankish
conquests (Springer 2009).
The assembly sites in Saxony that have been
documented in the 9th and 10th century do not provide
any further indication of older Saxon customs, and
even the archaeological study of the bishop’s sees
cannot ascertain older functions of the locations as
central assembly sites of the Old Saxons (Steuer
2007). This lack of evidence may result from the
extensive destruction of Saxon settlements by the
Franks, or from the limitations of archaeological
enquiry within developed regions.
In sum, it has not been possible to raise questions
regarding the older roots of medieval assembly sites
in Westphalia, Lower Saxony, and other regions
of Old Saxony to the river Elbe. It is clear that the
Saxons did indeed assemble at certain sites, but the
exact spatial identification of those sites awaits discovery.
Abbreviations
Capitulare Saxonicum = Capitulare Saxonicum. Pp. 45–
49, In C. von Schwerin (Ed.) 1918. Leges Saxonum
und Lex Thuringorum. Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui
in usum scholarum separatim editi 4. Hahn, Hannover,
Germany. 75 pp.
Capitulatio de Partibus Saxoniae = Capitulatio de Partibus
Saxoniae. Pp. 37–44, In C. von Schwerin (Ed.) 1918.
Leges Saxonum und Lex Thuringorum. Fontes iuris
Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi
4. Hahn, Hannover, Germany. 75 pp.
even though it is likely that only very few assemblies
have been documented in written sources.
The Sites of Assemblies in Saxony
Heiko Steuer (2007) recently emphasized that
the absence of written sources about Old Saxon
assemblies prior to Christianization complicated the
archaeological research. Thus, hardly any insights
about the social reality and the religious practice
of the Saxons have been gleaned so far (Ludowici
2009, Springer 2004a:153–165, Steuer 2007). In
addition, there is a lack of archaeological sites documenting
Old Saxon assemblies. There are hardly any
findings like those in Scandinavia or in the Slawonian
regions of east central Europe. Steuer (2007:91)
concluded that: Die Sachsen kannten anscheinend
keine Tempel in Form von Gebäuden, um darin die
Götter zu verehren. An ihre Stelle trat die große Festhalle,
in denen profane und kultische Feste gefeiert
wurden, den jedes Festgelage hatte wohl auch eine
kultische Facette (“The Saxons apparently did not
know any temples in the shape of buildings in which
to worship their gods. Instead they were using great
halls in which they celebrated profane and cult-related
feasts, every binge drinking has had its own
aspect of cult”).
Charlemagne referred to exactly these conventions
of sacred or worldly character, when he
generally forbade Saxons all forms of gatherings
in the above-mentioned edict (regulation) and only
allowed those that were subjected to Frankish supervision.
The Capitulatio de Partibus Saxoniae and
the somewhat younger Capitulare Saxonicum from
the year A.D. 797 contain exact instructions about
the pagan and uncivilized practices that the Saxons
should refrain from doing, like cannibalism and the
killing of priests (Schubert 1993).
The goal of this is clear: the complete implementation
of Christianity and the assimilation of
the social behavior to standards of Charlemagne`s
Empire. It is possible that this goal was achieved
rather quickly, so quickly and violently indeed that
Old Saxon vestiges of pagan culture may not have
escaped destruction by the Franks.
There has been no spectacular archaeological
discovery of Saxon cultural remains in northern
Germany so far that would enlighten the question of
their assembly sites. Archaeologists have found traces
of settlements; on the whole, however, we know
little about the time before the Frankish conquest
(Capelle 1998, 2004; Steuer 2007).
Individual reports in written sources do exist, but
they come from Christian authors and, moreover,
present only an external view of the 9th century (see
above). It is only from the late 9th century and the
Journal of the North Atlantic
C. Ehlers
2016 Special Volume 8
140
Jane, L.C. 1903. The Ecclesiastical History of the English
Nation. Translation reproduced in V.D. Scudder. 1910.
The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation.
J.M. Dent & Co., London, UK. 370 pp. Transcription
available online at www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/
bede-book5.asp. Accessed 18 May 2016.
Ludowici, B. 2009. Gedanken zu Phänomenen des Religiösen
bei den kontinentalen Sachsen vom 6. bis
10. Jahrhundert im Spiegel archäologischer Quellen,
Pp. 385–394, In U. von Freeden (Ed.). Glaube, Kult
und Herrschaft. Phänomene des Religiösen im 1.
Jahrtausend nach Christus in Mittel- und Nordeuropa.
Akten des 59. Internationalen Sachsensymposions und
der Grundprobleme der Frühgeschichtlichen Entwicklung
im Mitteldonauraum. Kolloquien zur Vor- und
Frühgeschichte 12. Habelt, Bonn, Germany. 532 pp.
Müller-Mertens, E. 1980. Die Reichsstruktur im Spiegel
der Herrschaftspraxis Ottos des Grossen mit historiographischen
Prolegomena zur Frage: Feudalstaat auf
deutschem Boden, seit wann deutscher Feudalstaat?
Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte 25.
Akademie-Verlag, Berlin, Germany. 309 pp.
Puschner, U. 2004. Germanenideologie und völkische
Weltanschauung. Pp. 103–130, In H. Beck, D.
Geuenich, and H. Steuer (Eds.). Zur Geschichte der
Gleichung “germanisch-deutsch”. Sprache und Namen,
Geschichte und Institutionen. De Gruyter, Berlin,
Germany. 711 pp.
Schubert, E. 1993. Die Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae.
Pp. 3–28, In D. Brosius, C. van den Heuvel, E. Hinrichs,
and H. van Lengen (Eds.). Geschichte in der
Region. Zum 65. Geburtstag von Heinrich Schmidt.
Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für
Niedersachsen und Bremen, Sonderband. Hannover,
Hahn, Germany. 501 pp.
Springer, M. 2004a. Die Sachsen. Urban-Taschenbücher
598. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, Germany. 308 pp.
Springer, M. 2004b. Art. Sachsen § 3. Historisches. Pp.
31–46, In H. Beck, D. Geuenich, and H. Steuer (Eds.).
Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Von
Johannes Hoops. Zweite, völlig neu bearbeitete und
stark erweiterte Auflage mit Unterstützung der Akademie
der Wissenschaften in Göttingen unter redaktioneller
Leitung von R. Müller. Vol 26. De Gruyter,
Berlin, Germany. 641 pp.
Springer, M. 2009. Die Einteilung des alten Sachsens.
Pp. 131–147, In P. Nitschke and M. Feuerle (Eds.).
Imperium und Comitatus. Lang, Frankfurt am Main,
Germany. 293 pp
Steuer, H. 2007. Archäologische Quellen zur Religion und
Kult der Sachsen vor und während der Christianisierung.
Pp. 83–110, In F.J. Felten, J. Jarnut, and L.E. von
Padberg (Eds.). Bonifatius. Leben und Nachwirken.
Die Gestaltung des christlichen Europa im Frühmittelalter.
Abhandlungen zur mittelrheinischen Kirchengeschichte
121. Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische
Kirchengeschichte, Mainz, Germany. 449 pp.
Wood, I. 2013. The Modern Origins of the Early Middle
Ages. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. 374 pp.
HE = Bede Venerabilis. 2005. Histoire ecclésiastique
du peuple anglais. Introduction et notes par André
Crépin; Texte critique par Michael Lapidge; Traduction
par Pierre Monat et Philippe Robin (Sources
Chrétiennes 489, 490, and 491). 3 vols. Éd. du Cerf,
Paris, France.
Holy Bible = Challoner, R. 2008. The Holy Bible, Douay-
Rheims version; the Old Testament first published by
the English College at Douay, A.D. 1609 and the New
Testament first published by the English College at
Rheims, A.D. 1582 with annotations and references
by Richard Challoner and Michael Tweedale. London,
Baronius Press, UK. 1167 pp.
Vita Lebuini antiqua = Adolf Hofmeister (Ed.) 1926. Vita
Lebuini antiqua. Pp. 789–795, In Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Scriptores 30/2. Hahn, Hannover,
Germany. Reprint 1976. 942 pp.
Vulgata = Weber, R., B. Fischer, and R. Gryson (Eds.)
1994. Biblia sacra iuxta Vulgatam versionem. Deutsche
Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart, Germany. 1980 pp.
Widukind of Corvey = Hirsch, P., and H.E. Lohmann
(Eds.) 1935. Widukindi monachi Corbeiensis Rerum
Gestarum Saxonicarum libri III. Monumenta Germaniae
Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum
in usum scholarum separatim editi. Hahn, Hannover,
Germany. Reprint 1989. 195 pp.
Literature Cited
Bautz, F.W. 1990. Art. “Ewald”. Pp. 1576–1577, In Biographisch-
Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL).
Band 1, 2. Herzberg, Hamm, Germany. 1600 columns.
Becher, M. 2001. Art. “Marklohe/Marklo”. Pp. 289–290,
In H. Beck, D. Geuenich, and H. Steuer (Eds.). Reallexikon
der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Von
Johannes Hoops. Zweite, völlig neu bearbeitete und
stark erweiterte Auflage mit Unterstützung der Akademie
der Wissenschaften in Göttingen unter redaktioneller
Leitung von R. Müller. Vol. 19. De Gruyter,
Berlin, Germany. 642 pp.
Capelle, T. 1998. Die Sachsen des frühen Mittelalters.
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, Germany.
160 pp.
Capelle, T. 2004. Art. Sachsen § 4. Archäologisches. Pp.
46–53, In H. Beck, D. Geuenich, and H. Steuer (Eds.).
Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Von
Johannes Hoops. Zweite, völlig neu bearbeitete und
stark erweiterte Auflage mit Unterstützung der Akademie
der Wissenschaften in Göttingen unter redaktioneller
Leitung von R. Müller. Vol 26. De Gruyter,
Berlin, Germany. 641 pp.
Ehlers, C. 2007. Die Integration Sachsens in das
fränkische Reich 751–1024. Veröffentlichungen des
Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 231. Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, Göttingen, Germany. 686 pp.
Ehlers, C. 2011. Sachsen als sächsische Bischöfe. Die
Kirchenpolitik der karolingischen und ottonischen
Könige in einem neuen Licht. Pp. 95–120, In M. Becher
and A. Plassmann (Eds.). Streit am Hof im frühen
Mittelalter. Super alta perennis, Studien zur Wirkung
der Klassischen Antike 11. Bonn University Press,
Bonn, Germany. 435 pp.