The Human Skeletons from Herjólfsnes
Niels Lynnerup*
Abstract - When the skeletons from Herjólfsnes were examined after excavation in Greenland, it was hoped that they
might shed light on the fate of the Norse colonies there. They were examined at a time when biological anthropology was
very much concerned with issues such as race, racial intermixture, and racial degeneration. For the examining scientists,
the skeletons from Herjólfsnes did seem to support theories of an isolated, degenerate, and sickly population, doomed to
extinction. Indeed, some of the results of these analyses still crop up in present-day publications.
*Laboratory of Biological Anthropology, Panum Institute, Blegdamsvej 3, DK-2200 N Copenhagen, Denmark; n.lynnerup@
antrolab.ku.dk.
Introduction
According to the Icelandic sagas, Eric the Red
founded the Greenlandic Norse settlement in AD
986 (Bekker-Nielsen 1967:141–166). This fi rst settlement
(the Eastern settlement) was augmented
with another one (the Western settlement), situated
about 400 km north of the fi rst one. The land was uninhabited,
as the Thule Eskimos had not yet spread
to the southwestern part of Greenland. A measure of
the prosperity and the obvious steady contact with
Norway, and thereby Iceland, was the ordination
of a bishop to Garðar in the Eastern settlement in
AD 1124 (Arneborg 1991). It seems, however, that
contact with Iceland and Norway gradually faded,
although the settlements were subjected to the Norwegian
crown in AD 1261. According to written
sources, the Western settlement lay waste in approximately
AD 1360. The last known written testimony
from the Eastern settlement dates to AD 1408 (GMH
III:145–150). It has been assumed that the Eastern
settlement was fi nally depopulated a century later
(Meldgaard 1965).
The decline of the Norse settlements has always
been foremost among the Greenlandic Norse issues
studied. Indeed, this question has been presented almost
as an enigma, hinting at some inexplicable and
dramatic event veiled by the passage of time. Consequently,
the explanations have also been dramatic,
ranging from sweeping epidemics to pirate and Eskimo
attacks or racial degeneration. When the Danish
king dispatched Hans Egede to Greenland in 1721,
a primary aim was to investigate whether there were
any isolated communities with descendants of the
old Norse settlers left (Egede 1738). Egede did not
fi nd any living Norse, but he did observe the Norse
ruins in the Qaqortoq Fjord now known as Hvalsey
Church (GHM III:730), and there he carried out the
fi rst recorded excavations of a Norse site (Albrethsen
1971), setting the stage for many later archaeological
excavations of Norse sites in Greenland. Some
of these excavations have revealed the remains of
the Norse themselves. The fi rst major fi nd of Norse
skeletal material was made at Herjólfsnes in 1921 as
a result of a controlled excavation (Fig. 1), and the
anthropological examinations resulted in a comprehensive
publication in Meddelelser om Grønland.
The author, the Danish anatomist, Professor F.C.C.
Hansen, felt that he had solved the enigma of why
the Greenland Norse disappeared.
The Excavations at Herjólfsnes (E111, Ikigait)
The fi rst fi nd at this site was a funeral stone with
runic inscriptions found by deFries in 1830. It was
sent to the Danish National Museum, where it is now
on display (GHM III:801, Mathiesen 1831, Nørlund
1924). O. Kielsen performed the fi rst excavations
in 1840 (GHM III:Pl. 3, Pingel 1842). During a test
excavation the year before, “a cranium with hair”
had been found (Pingel 1842). It should be noted that
the site was exposed to severe erosion by the sea,
resulting in constant exposure of skeletal material
and coffi ns. Records indicate that some of this hair
was sent to Copenhagen, and it was determined that
it derived from a Norse settler (Pingel 1842). Among
other objects there were “several pieces of wooden
coffi ns, with skeletons lying inside, bits of shrouds,
a couple of wooden crosses, several tombstones ...”
(GHM III:801). Neither the hair nor other anthropological
material from this excavation has been
located. H.J. Rink conducted topographical studies
in 1853 (Rink 1853), and Gustav Holm is reported
to have found a coffi n at the site in 1880: “I had
excavations conducted here, and, as before, found
skeletons in cloth and coffi ns.” (Holm 1883:136).
The skeletons were apparently not secured, but Rink
marked their position on his map (Holm 1883). In
1900, Gustav Meldorf, the district medical offi cer,
excavated some skeletal material at the site and
noted numerous coffi ns and shrouds (Meldorf 1912).
Because of the ongoing erosion, nearly all of the
south part of the churchyard had vanished into the
sea. Even parts of the church ruins had been eroded
by the sea. The coastline formed a small cliff, from
2009 Special Volume 2:19–23
Norse Greenland: Selected Papers from the Hvalsey Conference 2008
Journal of the North Atlantic
20 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
beneath which several partly exposed human bones
were observed. Meldorf (1912) noted: “The bones
lay in a horizontal position and noticeably close
to one another.” He found several crania, and the
skull (cranium and mandible) of one individual was
brought to Denmark. Some garments, including a
cap, were shipped to Denmark (Nørlund 1924). Mylius-
Erichsen visited the site in 1905. Although there is
no report of any excavations, two crania at our Laboratory
are said to be from the Mylius-Erichsen visit.
The two crania are also mentioned in F.C.C. Hansen's
anthropological study of the material from E111
Herjólfsnes (Hansen 1924). However, the boxes
containing the crania are marked “Meldorf.” There is
even some inconsistency in the Laboratory’s acquisitions
journal; while the material is entered as being
from Mylius-Erichsen, there should also be some
postcranial material. However, no such postcranial
material has so far been identifi ed in our Laboratory.
The main excavations were conducted by
Poul Nørlund in 1921 (Nørlund 1924; Figs. 2, 3).
According to Nørlund (1924), the fi nd comprised
remnants of approximately 110–120 burials. However,
many burials were in such poor condition that
Figure 1. One of the Herjólfsnes skeletons under excavation in 1921. Photograph © Poul Nørlund, National Museum
of Denmark.
Figure 2. The Herjólfsnes church after excavation
in 1921. To the right is Guðveig’s
empty coffi n. Photograph © Poul Nørlund,
National Museum of Denmark.
2009 N. Lynnerup 21
no remains could be removed, especially the material
in the upper layers. Nørlund estimated that about 200
burials were identifi ed in the surveyed area. Nørlund
noted that “within these areas, burials were generally
closely packed, often in three or four layers” (Nørlund
1924:59). He managed to retrieve many pieces
of clothing which had been wrapped around the
corpses (Figs. 4, 5). These items became the spectacular
fi nds from Herjólfsnes because of their excellent
state of preservation (indeed, the Herjólfsnes
garments are almost the only known
extant medieval clothing from Greenland).
Nørlund only found traces of two
burials inside the church. One burial
outside the church (the so-called “Gudveg’s
grave”), close to the north wall of
the choir, was a coffi n burial containing
a rune stick. Two fragments of a yellowish
substance were also found, and
Nørlund (1924) interpreted them as the
remains of two individuals.
Nørlund found no traces of an
earlier church, but burials had been
found at both the east and west ends
of the church, directly below the
church foundations. Nørlund therefore
believed, also on the basis of architectural
considerations, that there had been
a burial ground and a church before the construction
of the church represented by the extant ruins (Nørlund
1924:50). Dating was primarily based on the analysis
of clothing, including hoods and caps. The garments
have been dated to the beginning of the 15th century,
on the basis of the style, allowing for the dissemination
of fashions from Europe, presumably through
Norway (Nørlund 1924). In fact, the skeletal material
from Herjólfsnes is the only Norse material from
Greenland which can be dated with a reasonable
Figure 4. Hood. Photo taken at the National Museum during
post-excavation analysis. Note the set of teeth inside
the hood. Photograph © National Museum of Denmark.
Figure 3. Excavations at the Herjólfsnes church and cemetery
in 1921. Photograph © Poul Nørlund 1921, National
Museum of Denmark.
Figure 5. Dresses from Herjólfsnes after conservation.
Photograph © National Museum of Denmark.
22 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
degree of certainty on the basis of associated grave
goods. This dating was borne out by later radiocarbon
analyses (on both cloth and skeletal material), which
suggest a range between 1400–1450 AD (Arneborg et
al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998).
F.C.C. Hansen’s Anthropological Analyses of the
Herjólfsnes Skeletal Material
For Hansen, the skeletal material might hold the
key as to why the Norse colonies had foundered.
After all, these were the remains of some of the
last Norse (according to Nørlund’s interpretation
of the dating of the church). Nørlund had secured
the remains of 26 individuals, comprising both females,
males, and subadults. Hansen performed an
extremely diligent study of these remains, and his
publication is still very readable and holds much detailed
information. Three things struck Hansen: the
skeletons were small, refl ecting small people; they
seemed to have died before reaching old age; and
several of the skeletons were marked by diseases.
Concerning stature, Hansen felt certain that there
had been a marked decrease in stature, and he linked
this with a hypothesis of racial degeneration, saying:
“The tall Northern race degenerated into small,
slight, and delicate women, and correspondingly
slightly taller men” (Hansen 1924:465). However,
Hansen used different mathematical equations to derive
calculated stature from bone lengths than we do
today (and which result in slightly higher statures),
and furthermore, Hansen made some subjective
subtractions on the basis of perceived scoliosis and
rachitic changes (Hansen 1924). Implicit also in
Hansen’s conclusion is the idea that the Norsemen,
at the beginning of the settlement period, were tall
and powerfully built (e.g., “The vigorous Northern
race that originally colonized Greenland” [Hansen
1924:520]). This description is unfounded, and later
analyses of the stature of skeletons from various
Danish pre-historical and historical periods (Bennike
1985) indicate that the people of the Viking Age
were smaller than later medieval populations (see
also Scott et al. 1992).
Furthermore, Hansen (1924) concluded that
there had been a “striking decrease ... of the size of
their skulls.” Since Hansen and many anthropologists
of his day saw cranial size, and hence cranial
capacity, as directly related to brain size, and brain
size as directly related to mental capacity, this meant
that the Norse “race” experienced a “reduction of
the extent and capacity of intellectual life” (Hansen
1924:434), ultimately paving the way for the Norse
extinction. The linkage of mental capacity with
brain size and cranial size has since been abandoned
(Gould 1981).
The pathological changes that Hansen identifi ed,
e.g., rachitis and scoliosis, were based on a direct
assessment of what he found to be bent warped bones.
Hansen did not have the benefi t of large comparative
collections of archaeologically found skeletal
remains, as we have today. When comparing the
Herjólfsnes material to other archaeological skeletal
material, especially bones which have lain in a wet
turf environment, it becomes clear that the Herjólfsnes
bones have been taphonomically influenced, so
that they have, to some degree, become warped and
shrunken. This has been ascertained by other researchers
(Bröste et al. 1941, Fischer-Møller 1942, Krogh
1982, Lynnerup 1998). Hence, any measurements
or observations should be made with great caution.
While there is no doubt that the late Norse were small,
they were not pathologically small.
Of great interest was whether there had been an
admixture of Eskimos. Hansen stated that: “... none
of the skulls showed characters, not even in the jaws
or facial regions, that indicated a possible intermixture
of Eskimo blood!” (Hansen 1924:430). This
still holds true, and moreover, no Norse traits have
been found in the pre-contact Thule Eskimo skeletal
material (Balslev-Jørgensen 1953, Meldgaard 1965,
Scott et al. 1992). Adjunct to the concept of admixture
were also other concepts of racial purity and
degeneration. While verging on racism in today’s
view, such hypotheses were quite normal among
anthropologists in Hansen’s day. Thus, when Hansen
concluded that the skeletons showed evidence of
degeneration and hence had become “a race of small
people, with little strength, physically weakened,
and with many defects and pathological conditions”
(Hansen 1924:520), the ready explanation was isolation
“as regards race hygiene” (Hansen 1924:520).
Conclusion
Issues of race and the fear of population degeneration
that were very much in the foreground in
the 1920s and 1930s pervade Hansen's analyses of
the Herjólfsnes material. In other words, the fi ndings
of Hansen, though the result of diligent and
arduous study, were quickly discredited by the next
major anthropological studies in the 1940s, when the
Herjólfsnes material was reassessed (Bröste and Fischer-
Møller 1941, Fischer-Møller 1942). Hansen’s
major problem was that he did not have comparable
archaeologically derived skeletal material, which
would have allowed him to see that many of the
changes he saw most probably were the result of diagenetic
degradation. He also interpreted his results
following the pervading scientifi c views of his day,
namely with regards to the concepts of race hygiene
and racial degeneration. While somewhat primitive
by the standard of our modern genetic knowledge, it
must be borne in mind that scientifi c interpretations
to some degree will always refl ect the scientifi c
2009 N. Lynnerup 23
consensus at the time. In this light, it is perhaps not
surprising that many present-day theories on the
disappearance of the Norse focus on climate change.
Interestingly, the fi rst argument for climate change
was presented by Nørlund during his excavations
at Herjólfsnes. Nørlund noted how the bodies lay in
permafrost, yet many had clearly been disturbed by
plant roots (Nørlund 1924). The Herjólfsnes skeletal
material, now being analysed by stable isotope and
ancient DNA analyses, may still yield new insights.
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