66 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
Greenland and the Wider World
Guðmundur J. Guðmundsson*
Abstract - The subject of this paper is the medieval Greenland trade, emphasizing the country’s export commodities and
modes of communication with other countries. On this topic there are many questions, but unfortunately few answers
based on hard evidence. Much is therefore open to speculation and the conclusions are more in the line of hypotheses than
actual theories.
*Menntaskólinn í Reykjavík, Lækjargötu 7, 101 Reykjavík, Iceland; gjaki@isl.is.
Introduction: The Greenland Trade in Medieval
Sources
Since this paper is primarily based on written
medieval sources, it is proper to begin by giving a
short introduction to them. The most comprehensive
scholarly account of these sources is Grænland í
miðaldaritum (Greenland in Medieval Writing; Halldórsson
1978), and much of this fi rst section is based
on this book.
The medieval sources on Greenland can be divided
into three main groups. First are narrative texts
including the sagas, second are the Icelandic annals,
and third are medieval diplomas and charters.
The narrative texts can be divided into three
subcategories. The fi rst includes the Sagas, both the
well-known sagas of Icelanders (Íslendingasögur)
as well as legendary sagas (fornaldarsögur) and
tales of courtly love (riddarsögur). In the second
are the contemporary sagas (samtíðarsögur), and in
the third a number of texts like Konungs skuggsjá
or Speculum regale (The Kings Mirror) (Lárusson
1955); Ívar Bárðarson’s Description of Greenland
(Jónsson 1930); Historia Norwegiae (History of
Norway; Salvesen 1969), and other shorter texts.
The sagas of the Icelanders describe events set in
the 10th and 11th centuries. Most of them are regarded
as fi ction, but some may contain material from oral
narrative tradition and therefore have a historical
core. The legendary sagas, on the other hand, are
entirely fi ctional, and the same holds for the tales
of courtly love. These texts were written in the 13th
or 14th centuries, or later, and their description of
events can therefore not be taken literally. As the authors
seem to have drawn freely on their own social
conditions and general environment as background
for the events they were describing, the sagas do,
however, contain useful evidence about conditions
and state of knowledge at the time of their writing.
A good example of this is in ch. 18 of the Saga af
Tristram og Ísönd, which gives a description of the
cargo of a 13th-century Norwegian merchant ship
(Vilhjálmsson 1953:30–31). Greenland is mentioned
in some of the Sagas, e.g., Fóstbræðra saga and
Króka-Refs saga, and one can assume that the authors
used their knowledge of Greenland to add local
color to the narrative (see Grove, this volume).
Four of the sagas are particularly significant
for Greenlandic history. Íslendingabók (The Book
of the Icelanders; Benediktsson 1986), Eiríks saga
rauða (The Saga of Eric the Red; Halldórsson et al.
1935), Grænlendinga saga (The Saga of the Greenlanders;
Halldórsson et al. 1935), and Grænlendinga
þáttr (The Tale of the Greenlanders; Halldórsson
et al. 1935). Íslendingabók is a concise history
of Iceland from the settlement until the early 12th
century. Chapter IV deals with the settlement of
Greenland. Since Íslendingabók is a pioneer work,
its author only cites oral sources, trustworthy informants
who had good memory and valid information
to contribute. Íslendingabók is considered a fairly
reliable source. Eiríks saga rauða and Grænlendinga
saga both describe the settlement of Greenland
and the discovery of Vínland. The narratives
of both sagas are similar in outline, but disagree
on a variety of details (Halldórsson 1978). One
can therefore assume that they are more reliable
than if there had been a textual connection between
them. They may, however, be based on a common
oral tradition. Grænlendinga þáttr relates how the
Greenlanders established the Garðar bishopric, but
it also tells of a feud between Norwegian merchants
and the Greenlanders. These events happened in
1124–1126, and as Grænlendinga þáttr is considered
among the oldest saga texts, written around
1200 (Halldórsson 1978:403), it can be considered
as relatively reliable.
Written soon after the events they describe, the
contemporary sagas—the sagas of the Icelandic
bishops and the sagas in the Sturlunga-collection—
contain reliable evidence about the events they
describe as well as contemporary and recent social
conditions. Among these, we can also place some
of the Kings’ sagas, for example, Hákonar saga
Hákonarsonar, which describes how the Greenlanders
became King Hákon’s subjects in 1264. One of
the largest compilations of saga texts, Flateyjarbók
(written in 1387–1394), also includes copies of older
lists naming the bishops of Garðar, the churches
2009 Special Volume 2:66–73
Norse Greenland: Selected Papers from the Hvalsey Conference 2008
Journal of the North Atlantic
2009 G.J. Guðmundsson 67
in Greenland, and many of the fjords (Nordal
1944:241). The manuscript AM 194 8vo has a text
on the discovery and the location of Vínland (Halldórsson
1978:79). Most of the sagas are available in
good modern translation in The Complete Sagas of
the Icelanders I–V (Hreinsson 1997).
In the second category are the Icelandic annals.
They can be divided into three main groups. The annals
of the fi rst group were written around 1300. The
annals of the second group were written at the end
of the 14th century, and in the third group consists of
two annals written in the 16th century. In the annals,
all kinds of material have been accumulated. Some
derive from the Sagas, others from a variety of other
written sources, Icelandic and Norwegian, and on
top of that, all kinds of tales, realistic or fantastic,
were collected by the annalists and added to the pile
(Benediktsson 1993, Storm 1888). The annals are
important historical sources and, on the subject of
this paper, they give us valuable information on travels
to and from Greenland. It must also be mentioned
here that the textual relations between individual
annals have not been fully explained.
In the third category are medieval diplomas and
charters, the earliest being a papal letter from 1053.
These are of course contemporary documents and
therefore in most cases fairly reliable. They are,
however, fragmented, and many are only preserved
in later copies, some in a bad condition. The diplomas
and charters give us valuable information
on a variety of issues: the people involved in the
Greenland trade, the institutions they had to deal
with, and the legal actions derived thereof. The
diplomas also preserve information on the goods
exported from Greenland, how they were used, and
by whom. The documents are either in Old Norse,
Latin, or early modern Danish. Many of these documents
are therefore open to interpretation.
Two early modern works on Greenland also
need to be mentioned: Groenlandia by Arngrímur
Jónsson (written in 1597–1602) and a work called
Grænlands annáll from 1623, originally written by
Jón Guðmundsson the learned, but with additions by
the annalist Björn Jónsson of Skarðsá. Both of these
works are partly based on written sources now lost
as well as oral traditions (Halldórsson 1978).
Export and Import
Norse Greenland was in many ways a typical
subsistence economy based on animal husbandry
(cattle and sheep), similar to Iceland and the Faeroe
Islands. Hunting probably became an important
factor soon after settlement, and its importance increased
as time passed.
Principal import commodities can be assumed to
have been similar to the goods imported to Iceland
(see Karlsson 1975:16–17). Iron and other metals
as well as timber and tar for houses and boats were
important, and after the conversion to Christianity,
the newly established church needed various goods
like wax, linen, and wine. Luxury articles like fi ne
clothing and weapons were also important to the
chieftains to signal their status and wealth. Corn was
expensive and only used by the chieftains; according
to Konungs skuggsjá, many Greenlanders never ate
bread. (Lárusson 1955:58). The same goes for brewing
material: hops, malt, and yeast. There is good
evidence for the importance attached to these last
items by the Norse chieftains. Hosting social gatherings
where there was plenty to eat and drink was important
for their status (Þorláksson 2001:106–107).
According to Fóstbræðra saga, one of the chieftains
brewed large quantities of beer before Christmas to
add to his merit because there were seldom drinking
parties in Greenland (Sveinsson and Þórðarson
1935:226). In Eiríks saga rauða, there is also an
episode when Eiríkur became very depressed and
silent some time before Christmas. The reason was
that he did not possess any brewing material. When
Þorfi nnur karlsefni found out, he took some from his
own trading cargo and gave it to Eiríkur, who then
regained his humor (Halldórsson et al. 1935:220).
According to Páls saga biskups, Bishop Jón
smyrill Árnason of Garðar had learned to make crowberry
wine from King Sverrir Sigurðsson (Egilsdóttir
2002:311). In Iceland, on his way to Greenland, he
taught some Icelanders this art, and without doubt,
his fl ock in Greenland benefi ted also from his knowledge.
Crowberries are plentiful in Greenland, so there
would have been no shortage of material. We know
nothing about the quality of the crowberry wine, but
it is fair to assume that merchants selling European
grape wine would have been welcomed as before.
The export commodities are a different matter.
They can be divided in two categories: bulk and
exotic. In the fi rst category, there are cow and calf
hides, seal and sheep skins, and caribou hides. In
this category also belong walrus hides and ropes
from walrus hide (svarðreipi), which were so strong
that not even 60 men could tear them apart (Lárusson
1955:56–59). Although no sources mention
woollen homespun cloth (vaðmál) as an export from
Greenland, it may still have fi gured in the outbound
cargoes. Vaðmál was in demand in Europe and it was
Iceland’s most important export commodity until
the 14th century (Þorláksson 1991). All the goods
mentioned here could bring good prices in Europe.
Even though there is plenty of good soapstone
in Greenland, it was, as far as is known, not exported,
presumably because Norway could easily
supply all the soapstone the market demanded. The
Greenland Norse, however, used it extensively in
their own households.
68 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
Of the exotic items, the most important was
walrus tusk. According to Else Roesdahl (1995),
elephant ivory was in short supply in Europe in the
high Middle Ages, and in that period demand was
met by walrus ivory. Used for carving all sorts of
prestige items, walrus ivory was quite expensive and
sought-after both by the Church and the aristocracy.
While walrus tusk was expensive, the tooth of the
narwhal was even more valuable and a greater rarity.
The Norse sailed regularly up to Norðursetur (Disco
Bay and vicinity?) to hunt walrus and it is likely that
they traded there too, fi rst with the Dorset Eskimos
and later the Thule Inuit, securing an even supply of
walrus tusk. Acquiring narwhal teeth seems to have
been more unpredictable. In Europe, the narwhal
tusk was believed by many to be the unicorn’s horn,
and the Norse probably did little to correct that misunderstanding.
Yet the Eskimos and Inuit had more
goods that were of value to the Norse. The high
proportion of fox bones found in medieval Inuit sites
in northern Greenland might indicate that the Inuit
traded fox skins with the Norse (Gulløv 2008:18).
But what did the Inuit get in return? Woollen
cloth was entirely foreign to them, and wooden
utensils and metal tools can also be assumed to
have been considered valuable by them. Pieces of
homespun wool and Norse objects made of wood
and metal found in medieval Inuit dwellings support
this possibility. The best known of these artifacts is
a wooden bucket excavated in the early 20th century
in northern Greenland (Mathiasen 1935:46–48).
There are other possibilities, however. Grænlendinga
saga has a description of the trade between
the Indians and the Norse in Vínland. After tasting
the Norse dairy products, the Indians took a liking
to them and were ready to exchange their furs for
them. It is therefore fair to assume that the Eskimos
might also have been interested in butter, cheese,
or milk curds, products that were entierly foreign
to them and were not produced by them (Halldórsson
1957:262). Other export items include whalebone,
whale tooth, and caribou horn. All kinds of
white fur, from arctic hare and arctic fox, were also
exported—used, e.g., in borders on clothes. Polar
bear pelts were used in churches, usually placed
on the fl oor in front of the altar (Teitsson 1975:35).
There are two reliable examples of live polar bears
being used as presents to European potentates. According
to Hungrvaka, Ísleifur Gissurarson gave one
to the German emperor Henry III to smooth his way
to become Iceland’s fi rst bishop, and according to
Grænlendinga þáttr, the Greenland Norse chieftain
Einar Sokkason gave a polar bear cub to the king of
Norway to secure his support for the founding of the
bishopric at Garðar. In both cases, the gifts had the
expected result (Egilsdóttir 2002:7, Halldórsson et
al. 1935:274–275). Even though polar bears must
have been a rare export commodity, they are mentioned
in the laws of the Icelandic commonwealth,
and the responsibility of their conduct was placed
on the owner (Karlsson et al. 1992:261). This legal
reference suggests that the lawgivers recognized the
possibility that they might be imported to Iceland.
Greenland’s most expensive regular export
commodity was the white Greenland falcon. Scandinavian
falcons were much in demand, and the
Icelandic falcon was considered by connoisseurs
to be the best hunting falcon; yet for the discerning
dandy, the white Greenland falcon was by far
the most fashionable. The white falcon is mentioned
in Konungs skuggsjá, which points out that
the locals did not use it (Lárusson 1955:59), most
likely meaning that the Greenlanders did not use
it themselves for hunting. Konungs skuggsjá does
not say whether they exported the falcons or not,
but white falcons are mentioned as an export commodity
in Króka-Refs saga, along with tusk, walrus
hide, furs, and polar bears (Halldórsson 1959:157).
Króka-Refs saga is a late text, probably written
in the second quarter of the 14th century, but even
though the narrative is more in line with the legendary
sagas than classical sagas, it gives an indication
about what people knew about Greenlandic export
commodities at the time and their value. It is important
to note that all the goods the Greenlanders exported,
except perhaps for the narwhal tooth, could
be obtained also from hunters in northern Norway
or northern Russia. Even white falcons could be
obtained from Iceland as some of the Icelandic falcons
can be of a very light color variety.
We can assume that the less exotic, bulk commodities
were sold and bought like similar goods
from Iceland and the Faeroe Islands, and after they
had been unloaded in Bergen, they disappear from
our view. It is easier to follow the luxury items
because they are for various reasons mentioned in
letters and documents. Some were undoubtedly sold
in similar fashion as the other commodities, but a
good portion of them ended up with royal or church
dignitaries who used them in diplomatic relations
with foreign counterparts. In the early 13th century,
King Hákon of Norway sent the King of England falcons,
some of them white, and some teeth, probably
walrus tusks (Diplomatarium norvegicum XIX:125).
The purpose seems to have been to secure Norwegian
trade in England. King Hákon also gave an
Arab ruler some falcons around 1260, but for what
purpose we do not know (Jónsson 1957:425). In
1347, King Magnús smek sent a white falcon along
with other gifts to Pope Clemens VI. The purpose
was to secure papal permission for Norway to sell
falcons to Islamic countries. The Pope naturally
gave his permission (Diplomatarium norvegicum
VI:212, VII:206). Whether anything came of the
2009 G.J. Guðmundsson 69
trade is, however, not known. In 1347, King Phillip
IV of France received falcons from a Norwegian
emissary (Diplomatarium norvegicum XIX:685).
Sources indicate that Norwegian bishops used these
commodities for similar ends as the kings, sending
them as presents to their friends and associates
abroad. In 1338, Bishop Hákon in Bergen sent many
gifts to Ægidus Correnbitter in Brügge, among them
seven walrus teeth and a polar bear pelt (Diplomatarium
norvegicum X:33). These examples show
that Greenlandic export commodities were not only
valuable on the market, but also useful to the state
and church in securing their interests.
The discovery of Vínland is well known, and we
also know that communications between Greenland
and America did not stop after the base in L´Anse
aux Meadows fell in to ruins. In 1346, a ship from
Greenland landed on the west coast of Iceland. It
was described as a Marklandsfar, a ship that had
been commuting between Markland (Labrador)
and Greenland but lost its way, and the crew of 17
hands had to stay in Iceland for the winter (Storm
1888:213). The annals describe it as being smaller
then the smallest ships that sailed to Iceland. Why
did the Norse go to Labrador? The most likely explanation
is that they had been fetching timber, and
it can be assumed that this became more and more
important for the Greenlanders as communications
with Norway slowly deteriorated in the course of the
14th century.
The Norse probably sailed regularly between
Canada and Greenland since the discovery of
Vínland and not only for timber. Recent archaeological
research indicates that they traded with the
Baffi nsland Inuit, and what seem to be ruins of a
possible Norse-Eskimo trading post have been excavated
on the coast of Baffi nsland (Sutherland 2000).
Hair from bison and remnants of brown bear pelts
have also been found in the Farm Beneath the Sand
(Arneborg 2004:267). Whether any of the goods the
Norse bought from the Inuit ended up on the European
market is not known.
Communication
To sail across the North Atlantic in the middle
ages was always dangerous. Such an expedition required
a large and sturdy ship like a knorr, a knowledgeable
captain, and a competent crew.
Though no less hazardous, sailing between Iceland
and Greenland was a bit different. To begin
with, the journey was shorter, 4 or 5 days if the
travellers were lucky, and therefore smaller ships
could be used. In some ways, they might even have
been better suited since they would have been easier
to navigate between icebergs and drift ice. Most
importantly, the small volume of the Greenland
trade would not have required large ships. The only
commodity that may have required large ships was
timber, but if the Norse Greenlanders had found a
way to supply themselves with building timber from
Labrador, the only timber they had to import from
Europe was perhaps hardwood for special purposes.
Therefore, large ships like the knorr were not really
needed, as big boats would have suffi ced. Lúðvík
Kristjánsson has suggested that the fl eet Eiríkur
rauði and his companions sailed on to Greenland in
982 consisted mostly of big boats with ten or twelve
oars or slightly larger ships which the sagas call ferjur
or skútur (Kristjánsson 1981).
Professor Helgi Guðmundsson has studied
Iceland’s possible role as a transit port for the
Greenland trade. His conclusion is that most of this
business was conducted from Breiðafjörður and its
vicinity in western Iceland. He is also of the opinion
that until the 14th century Greenlandic goods were
not only shipped to Norway but also to the British
Isles, especially the Orkney Islands. Guðmundsson
bases his conclusions on saga texts, archaeological
fi nds, and linguistic research. He points out, for
example, that the ancient Irish word for walrus is
derived from Old Norse. Guðmundsson argues that
the Icelanders made a handsome profi t out of being
middlemen in the Greenland trade and that particularly
prolifi c cultural activity in western Iceland was
funded by the profi ts (Guðmundsson 1997).
There is, however, no doubt that larger ships
like the knorr were also used, especially for direct
crossings form Norway to Greenland, and it is these
ships that most of the available evidence relates to.
A big knorr that had sailed to Greenland is mentioned
in Vestmannaeyjar in 1216 (Jóhannesson et
al. 1946:270), and in 1260, envoys from King Hákon
of Norway sailed directly to Greenland in a knorr to
negotiate the Norse Greenlanders’ submission to the
Norwegian crown (Jónsson 1957:420). Although it
is clear that the knorr was larger than other types of
ships, it is diffi cult to pin down exactly how large
these ships were. The only preserved knorr, in the
Roskilde Museum, is about 16 m long and 4.5 m
wide and could probably carry up to 20 tons. In 1118,
a knorr about 70 feet long was damaged on the south
coast of Iceland (Laxness 1998:52). If we take that
to mean the Old Icelandic foot, which was ca. 23–24
cm (Lárusson 1981:445–446), that knorr would have
been of similar size to the Roskilde knorr. According
to Helgi Þorláksson, a late-medieval knorr could
hold a cargo of up to 50 tons (Þorláksson 2000:24),
a much bigger and bulkier cargo than carried by the
ships sailing only between Iceland and Greenland.
Most of the ships that sailed to Greenland were
from Norway or Iceland, but the Greenland Norse
were not entirely dependent on foreign shipping.
They themselves also built ships. In 1192, a small
70 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
ship with a crew of 13 landed in Breiðafjörður. It
was of a curious design since it had no iron nails,
and the bow was held together with sinews and
wooden nails (Storm 1888:61, 120). According to
Heimskringla, the Saami of northern Norway also
built similar ships, suggesting that this design was
well suited for sailing in northern waters (Aðalbjarnarson
1979:311, Guðmundsson 2005:96). Ships of
apparently similar design were used in Siberia until
the late 19th century (C. Keller, IKOS, Oslo, Norway,
pers. comm.). It is also likely that the Marklandsfar
from 1346 was built in Greenland. and it seems
to have been of a similar size, but we know nothing
about its construction. Yet the Norse also used
conventional methods in shipbuilding. The bow of a
small boat used in a house roof in the Western settlement
proves that (Gad 1984:40).
Written records support the hypothesis that Iceland
was used as a transit point between Greenland
and Europe. Since the foundation of the bishopric
in Garðar in the early 12th century, at least four of
the bishops of Greenland visited Iceland on their
way to or from Norway. Arnaldur, the fi rst bishop
of Garðar, stopped in Iceland on his way to his new
see after his consecration in 1125–26 (Halldórsson
et al. 1935:274); Bishop Jón smyrill Árnason visited
bishop Páll Jónsson in Skálholt in 1187 (Egilsdóttir
2002:311); Bishop Helgi was in Flatey in 1212
(Storm 1888:23); and Ólafur was in Iceland in 1262
(Storm 1888:67). The last bishop of Garðar who
could have visited Iceland was Þórður bokki, but
the sources are unclear about this. According to the
annals, he left Greenland in 1309 and arrived in Norway
in 1310 (Storm 1888:341–342). The annals do
not mention if Bishop Árni, who was consecrated in
1314, ever came to Iceland. The next bishop to travel
to Greenland was Álfur in 1368, but at that time the
crown-operated Greenland knorr had taken over
communications between Norway and Greenland, so
there was no need for him to stop in Iceland.
Changes in Foreign Trade—Changes in
Communication?
Sources from the early 14th century indicate
that changes in communication between Norway
and Greenland were taking place at that time. After
1315, there is no unequivocal evidence that travellers
to or from Greenland stopped in Iceland on
the way. Instead, ships seem to have sailed directly
between Bergen and Greenland. These changes are
refl ected in The Book of Settlement (Landnámabók).
The Sturlubók version of Landnámabók, written ca.
1270, gives precise directions on how to sail from
Norway to Iceland and then on to Greenland. It
also mentions that ships going directly should sail a
“tylft” or 90–110 km south of Iceland. On the other
hand, the Hauksbók version of Landnámabók, written
ca. 1320, not only has the same directions as
Sturlubók but also exact instructions on how to sail
directly from Norway to Greenland.
Why this change? Again, there is very little hard
evidence, so we have to speculate. Even though
Crown and Church were strengthening their hold
on all sectors of society in the Norwegian state in
the late 13th and early 14th centuries, there is no evidence
at that time that the authorities tried to prevent
Icelanders from sailing to Greenland or travellers
from Norway from making a stopover in Iceland on
their way to Greenland. Increasingly direct sailing
therefore does not seem to have been politically
motivated, suggesting that the reasons were perhaps
economic in nature.
In the late 13th and early 14th centuries, the value
of walrus tusk probably decreased as elephant ivory
became increasingly available. Nevertheless, walrus
tusk remained valuable because the supply of
elephant tusk continued to be limited until the early
modern period (Seaver 2006:233–252). Beautiful
objects of art continued to be made from walrus tusk,
and there was lively trade in the material in the 14th
century. In 1327, the Greenland Norse paid papal
dues with a shipment of walrus tusk. The tusks were
sold by the pope’s representatives for what seems to
have been a considerable sum, which they forwarded
to Rome (Fyllingsnes 1990:81). Whatever inroads
elephant ivory was making into the market, they
were obviously not prohibiting handsome returns
in the walrus-tusk trade, although it is possible that
it was not as exceedingly lucrative as before. Other
goods exported from Greenland, like white fur,
falcons, and rope, continued to be in demand and
brought good prices. In 1346, the annals report that
a Greenland knorr returned safely to Norway with a
valuable cargo (Storm 1888:212). The fi nal proof of
how valuable the Greenland export goods continued
to be is the fact that the Crown protected its interest
in the Greenland trade vigorously throughout the
14th century and prosecuted anyone suspected of
violating its monopoly. In 1374, the Crown pressed
charges against its own representative in Greenland
for buying property and goods that the Crown
maintained it had fi rst option to buy (Diplomatarium
norvegicum XV: 27). In 1389, some Icelanders who
had drifted to Greenland were accused of illegal
trading and buying goods owned by the Crown, but
they were acquitted after they had paid dues on their
cargo (Diplomatarium norvegicum XVIII:29–31).
Apart from a possible decline in profi ts from
sales of walrus tusks, more likely to have been a
dip than a crash, there do not seem to have been any
signifi cant changes in the nature or marketability
of Greenlandic exports over the course of the 14th
century. It may be rather that the context of North
2009 G.J. Guðmundsson 71
Atlantic trade changed, most significantly with
the fast growth of the stockfi sh trade in the early
14th century. By the end of the century, stockfi sh
had become the major export commodity of both
Iceland and Norway. To transport large volumes of
stockfi sh over the North Atlantic was quite different
from moving the traditional commodities of the
Greenland trade. Stockfi sh, transported in packs,
was much bulkier and could be a dangerous cargo if
care was not taken. Eyrbyggja saga has a story about
a farmer who was transporting stockfi sh to his home
for the Christmas feast. He loaded the boat high
with packs of fi sh, but when the sea got rough, the
boat lost balance and capsized, and the whole crew
drowned (Halldórsson et al. 1935:147–148). For the
stockfi sh export, much larger ships were needed than
for the low-volume tusk or hides trade.
The question then is whether the Greenland
Norse exported stockfi sh? Of that there is no direct
proof, although some indirect indications have been
pointed out (Seaver 1996). Fishing did take place
as evidenced by fi shing gear like hooks and sinkers
that have been found in Norse ruins in Greenland
(Vebæk 1991:12–13), parts of nets that have been
found in ruins in the Western settlement (Arneborg
2004:269), and sources which mention processed
dry fi sh (Halldórsson et al. 1935:290). However,
buildings that can defi nitely be linked to fi sh processing
have not been found.
Finn Gad has suggested that some of the stone
houses found in various places in Greenland—ones
that are built on fl at rock surfaces and have good
ventilation and thick walls that can secure the goods
kept there from predators—were used to dry food
such as meat or fi sh (Gad 1984:41). Most of these
buildings are, however, more likely to have been
food stores (Arneborg 2004:243.)
In the 16th century, ships from Hamburg sailed
to the east coast of Greenland. On board one of
them was an Icelander, called Jón Grænlendingur.
He later claimed that when he and his companions
went ashore they found the corpse of a man
dressed in clothes made of skin and woollen cloth.
The woollen cloth indicates that the dead man was
Norse, not an Inuit. Jón Grænlendingur also said
that he had seen huts for drying stockfish and other
buildings connected with fish processing (Halldórsson
1978:51, 272).
However, there are problems that have to be
considered. Archaeological excavations of Norse
middens in Greenland have yielded much smaller
quantities of fi sh bones than in other parts of the
Norse North Atlantic (McGovern et al. 1984:97).
Fish bones have been found in earthen fl oors in the
Farm Beneath the Sand, and research on human
bones from Greenland proves that seafood was a
substantial part of the diet of the Norse Greenlanders
(Arneborg 2004:265–266, Arneborg et al. 1999).
How much of the marine diet was seal and how much
was fi sh is, however, diffi cult to say.
The comparative absence of fi sh bones has been
difficult to explain. Greenlandic soil preserves
fi shbone just as well as Icelandic or British soil, so
the reason cannot be related to preservation. Helge
Ingstad suggested that the Greenland Norse cooked
the fi sh bones into a thick soup and either ate it
themselves or fed it to the cows, or that they used
the leftovers from the fi sh processing as a fertilizer
on the hayfi elds (Ingstad 1992:109). Both methods
are known from Norway and Iceland. This kind
of bone soup was in Iceland called bruðningur or
strjúgur and was made from fi sh bones, mainly the
skull, though bruðningur from other kinds of bones
is known. After all the fi sh meat had been eaten from
the skull, it was submerged in whey, which made it
soft and edible (Gísladóttir 1999:83–84, 167). That
could explain the lack of fi sh bones in the Norse
middens in Greenland. It is also possible that since
the stockfi sh was so valuable, the Norse exported
most of it and kept for themselves only what was
absolutely needed.
There are more questions than answers concerning
Norse Greenlandic fi shing and possible stockfi sh
export. The fi rst and most important is of course
whether they exported any, and if so how much? Is
it possible that they produced so little that they only
needed a knorr every fi fth or sixth year to export the
cargo to Norway? And if so, what did a fi ve-yearsold
vintage stockfi sh taste and look like?
Concluding Words
The exports of Norse Greenland were an important
contribution to the Norwegian economy in the
middle ages. The Crown and the Church used the
more exotic items in diplomacy, and the Greenlandic
commodities brought good prices on the continental
markets when sold. Until the 14th century, both large
ships sailing directly from Norway to Greenland and
smaller ships sailing to and from Iceland were used.
From the early 11th century, Iceland seems to have
been an important link in the Greenland trade.
All that changed in the early 14th century when
larger ships were introduced. In the second half of
the century until the early 15th century when communications
ceased altogether, regular shipping was direct
between Greenland and Norway, operated with
a royal licence under state supervision. It has been
argued here that the change relates to the increased
importance of stockfi sh in the North Atlantic trade,
resulting in larger ships dominating the sea-lanes.
That spelled the end of the communication between
Iceland and Greenland, unless of course you happened
to drift off your chosen course for some reason
72 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 2
or another, wound up in Hvalfjarðarey, and used the
opportunity to get married. Whether communication
continued between Europe and Greenland after 1408
is another story and not part of this study.
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