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Norse Greenland Dietary Economy ca. AD 980–ca. AD 1450: Introduction
Jette Arneborg, Niels Lynnerup, Jan Heinemeier, Jeppe Møhl, Niels Rud, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir

Journal of the North Atlantic, Special Volume 3 (2012): 1–39

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2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 1 Introduction You are what you eat—this saying covers mankind’s relationship with daily food in more ways than one. Diet and food systems reflect human exploitation of, and attitude towards, the surrounding environment and are bound up with resource utilization and the subsistence economy. The subject involves factors such as production, farming and hunting practices, distribution, and consumption and it reflects social relations linking humans together. Human food— individual meals and food consumption over longer periods—can, to a certain extent, be reconstructed on the basis of archaeological evidence such as kitchen lay-out, kitchen equipment and tableware, agricultural and hunting equipment, animal bones deposited on house floors, and refuse deposits outside. Evidence from studies of pollen and macro-remains of plants that have contributed to the diet provides further information. The most direct evidence for the reconstruction of past diets is, however, provided by humans themselves. Through isotope analysis of bone collagen, it is possible to gain an insight into the food consumption of individual populations over long periods of time. Owing to the ethnic and cultural homogeneous population and the relatively well-preserved bones of both humans and animals, wild and domesticated, the Norse settlements in South Greenland are particularly suited to isotopic diet studies. An initial study of the δ13 C values for human bone collagen of 27 individuals in the late 1990s suggested a change in the Norse diet from predominantly terrestrial to predominantly marine food. Between 20 and 30% of the diet of the early 11th century settlers was marine in origin, which corresponds more or less to what was found in contemporary Scandinavian settlers in the Scottish Isles (Barrett et al. 2000, 2001). In the late settlement period in the first half of the 15th century AD, however, up to about 80% of the food of some Norse Greenlanders was of marine origin (Fig. 1; Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998). This shift may indicate a change in diet, which is in accordance with theories on the Norse subsistence economy arrived at on the basis of the animal bone record (McGovern 1985). The question left open by the limited initial isotope study was, however, whether the change in diet was a reflection of altered subsistence strategies or altered farming practices (e.g., related to famine and the need to supplement husbandry with seaweed and fish refuse). Furthermore, neither the zooarchaeological evidence nor the data from the first isotope studies answer convincingly the question of whether the dietary shift occurred gradually over time or within the space of a few years—and if the latter case, then when? Furthermore, the initial limited study did not answer Norse Greenland Dietary Economy ca. AD 980–ca. AD 1450: Introduction Jette Arneborg1,2,*, Niels Lynnerup3, Jan Heinemeier4, Jeppe Møhl5, Niels Rud4, and Árný E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir6 Abstract - An initial study of the 13 C values for human bone collagen of 27 Norse Greenlanders in the late 1990s suggested a change in the Norse diet from predominantly terrestrial to predominantly marine food. This shift may well indicate a change in diet; the question left open by the limited initial isotope study was, however, whether the change in diet was a reflection of altered subsistence strategies or altered farming practices. Furthermore, the first study did not convincingly answer the question of whether the dietary change occurred gradually over time or within the space of a few years—and, if the latter case, when? Neither did it answer questions concerning dietary differences between the two Norse settlements, between individual farms and between the sexes, or the nature of the marine food that was consumed. Distinguishing locally born people from foreigners is yet another matter for investigation in order to leave out of account persons that grew up outside of Greenland. This new study includes 437 samples: 183 from humans—118 Norse and 65 Inuit—and 254 from animals. The samples are from 19 Norse sites (farms): 13 from the Eastern Settlement and 6 are from the Western Settlement. For comparison, we have also included samples from both humans and animals from 22 Inuit sites. This paper sets the scene for the new study and the following papers in this Special Volume. Former studies in Norse diet and Norse resource utilization are recapitulated, and all the Norse sites represented in the study are presented, as are all the samples included in the study. Chronology is a recurrent problem in Norse archaeology, and our focus, in particular, is on the attempt to date the samples included in the study that have not been radiocarbon dated. Special Volume 3:1–39 Greenland Isotope Project: Diet in Norse Greenland AD 1000–AD 1450 Journal of the North Atlantic 1Danish Middle Ages and Renaissance, Research and Exhibitions, The National Museum of Denmark Frederiksholms Kanal 12, DK-1220 Copenhagen. DK 2Institute of Geography, School of GeoSciences, University of Edinburgh, Scotland, UK. 3Laboratory of Biological Anthropology, Section of Forensic Pathology, University of Copenhagen, Denmark. 4AMS 14C Dating Centre, Department of Physics and Astronomy, Aarhus University, Ny Munkegade 120, DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denmark. 5Zoological Museum, Natural History Museums of Denmark, University of Copenhagen, Denmark. 6Institute of Earth Science, University of Iceland, Sturlugate 7, S-101 Reykjavík, Iceland. *Corresponding author - Jette.arneborg@natmus.dk. 2012 2 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 questions concerning dietary differences between the two settlements, between individual farms, and between the sexes, or the nature of the marine food consumed. Distinguishing locally born people from foreigners (immigrants?) is yet another matter for study in order to leave out of account persons that grew up outside of Greenland. To a certain degree, the past diet (i.e., consumption in a long-term perspective) of the Norse Greenland settlers has been discussed for years on the basis of the zooarchaeological record (McGovern 1985). Through stable isotope analysis (δ13 C and δ15 N) of all the suitable Norse human remains in the collections of the Anthropological Laboratory at the Panum Institute in Copenhagen1, and selected bone samples from all the animals represented at Norse farms2, we aim to obtain an even closer picture of the dietary economy of the Norse Greenlanders to study the living conditions of the Norse settlers in a long time perspective. At the individual level, we want to explore what kind of food was consumed and whether the longterm dietary economy patterns contribute to the discussion of the depopulation of the Norse Greenland settlement in the second half of the 15th century. The Norse Settlements of Southern Greenland The Norse colonists arrived in Southwest Greenland at the end of the 10th century. The settlement consisted of individual farms concentrated in two main areas (Fig. 2). The Eastern Settlement—including the so-called Middle Settlement—extended from the Cape Farewell region in the south to Tissaluup Ilua in Sermesoq municipality in the north. The smaller and more northerly Western Settlement was situated in the Nuuk hinterland around the Nuuk and the Ameralik-Ameralla fjords. To date, about 560 Norse sites have been recorded in the Eastern Settlement and around 75 in the Western Settlement (Fig. 3; National Museum of Greenland, Ancient Monuments Register). Even though is it evident that not all the sites were independent economic units (see for instance Albrethsen and Arneborg 2004), not all the farms could have been occupied at the same time, given the assumed size of the population. Lynnerup (1998:100ff.) has estimated the total number of inhabitants over time in the two Norse settlements as about 26,000, and with about 2000 at the peak of settlement around 1250. With an average of about 10 individuals per farm during the peak period, a total of about 200 farms must have been occupied. The last written evidence from the Eastern Settlement is the account of a wedding that took Figure 1. The results of the first isotope study on Norse Greenland human remains. Figure 2. The Norse settlements in Greenland were concentrated in two main areas. The Eastern settlement between 60° and 61°N, and the Western Settlement around 64°N. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 3 Figure 3. The Norse settlement. Each marking represents a Norse site. Each site holds between one and 60 individual ruins. Østerbygden = the Eastern Settlement. Mellembygden is a modern name for the concentration of ruins south of Tissallup Ilua and is regarded part of the medieval Eastern Settlement. Vesterbygden = the Western Settlement. Map after Arneborg (2004). 4 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 place in Hvalsey fjord church in 1408, and AMSdates for garments found in graves at the Herjolfsnes (Ikigaat) churchyard indicate that life in the Eastern Settlement continued at least until the middle of the 15th century (Arneborg 1996). Radiocarbon dates indicate that the Western Settlement was settled a little later than the Eastern Settlement and, on the basis of Ívar Bárðarson´s description of Greenland, the abandonment of the Western Settlement has traditionally been dated to the middle of the 14th century. However, by 1982, the conventional radiocarbon dating of human remains from the high-status farm Anavik challenged the traditional dates. These findings indicated that life in the Western Settlement continued until about 1400 (Table 15), and one3 AMS-date (AAR-1144; Project ID 002 from Sandnes, see Table 12), included in this study, and dates (see Table 14) from the Farm Beneath the Sand (referred to from now on as GUS) support a later date—around 1400—for the depopulation of the Western Settlement than was previously believed. The reasons for the depopulation of the Norse settlements in Greenland are not yet fully understood, and many theories concerning the fate of the Norse have been put forward over the years. Recent research has concentrated, in particular, on the interaction between humans and the environment, exploitation of resources and economic strategies and, specifically, the consequences of the climatic changes that occurred during the Late Middle Ages, and theories about maladaptation, overuse of the natural resources, and, lately, the lack of resilience have been put forward (Diamond 2005, Keller et al 2009, McGovern 2000). Also theories about failing contacts with Northern Europe and a subsequent shortage of vital imports have been suggested as part of an explanation (e.g., Arneborg 2003, 2004:275ff.) The Natural Setting Greenland has an Arctic climate in that the average temperature for the warmest month is less than +10 ºC. In a few places in southwestern Greenland, the average temperature can exceed +10 ºC, which marks the boundary for the northern temperate (boreal) region (Bay 2000:40). The climate along the outer coast is markedly oceanic, but as one moves inland from the coast towards the ice cap, the climate becomes more continental with greater extremes of temperature and lower precipitation. Temperatures recorded in Igaliku, in the central Norse Eastern Settlement, and in Kapisillit, situated centrally in the Norse Western Settlement, reveal that the climate in the former Western Settlement today is more continental than in the central parts of the former Eastern Settlement. The difference between these two inland areas is particularly striking in the winter, when it is considerably colder in the Western Settlement. Similarly, the growing season there is much shorter and with less precipitation (Krogh 1982:168–169). Analyses of ice cores from the Greenland ice cap show that the Northern Hemisphere has experienced several temperature changes through time (Dahl- Jensen et al. 1998). The time of the Norse settlement in Greenland was a period of relative warmth, which was gradually succeeded by a colder regime. The middle of the 14th century is reported as being the coldest period in Greenland during the last thousand years (Barlow 2001:101). δ18 O isotopic climate signals in the ice cores also indicate variations in precipitation, with changes from a generally humid regime during the landnam period (ca. 1004–1075) to dry and very dry periods in the following centuries. The 14th century was dry and cold (Andersen et al. 2006). Biostratigraphic diatom, foraminifera, and dinofl agellate cyst analyses of two sediment cores from Igaliku fjord in the center of the Norse Eastern Settlement provide palaeoenvironmental evidence revealing the nature of the climate at the time of settlement. It was relatively mild and moist, which is in agreement with the climate signals in the ice cores mentioned above, and with little sea ice. During the 11th century, cooling events occurred and sea ice increased during cold seasons. From the 13th century onwards, the colder climate persisted, summer temperatures fell, and the sea ice in the fjords increased. Simultaneously, wind activity increased, culminating in the mid-14th century (Jensen et al. 2004, Kuijpers et al 1999, Lassen et al. 2004, Roncaglia and Kuijper 2004). The Economic Landscape The individual Norse sites were scattered along the fjords, along rivers, and by lakes where the surroundings were suitable for pastures and hayfields. The settlement pattern and the layout of the farm buildings both show the importance placed on animal husbandry. In Norse times, these sites all had names which are now forgotten. A few Norse place names have survived in the written sources, and many attempts have been made to identify these sites (Jónsson 1930). In this publication, Norse place names such as Brattahlid, Gardar, and Herjolfsnes, which have become more or less conventions, will be used on equal terms with the modern Greenlandic names. Of the ca. 560 recorded sites/ruin groups, data of mixed quality are available on ca. 488. About 20% of the recorded ruin groups consist of a single structure and, of these, more than 50% lack dwelling houses. In general, single-ruin sites consist of 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 5 various kinds of enclosures, pens, shelters for the free-range livestock, and storehouses belonging to nearby farms. A few, especially in the Western Settlement, are centralized farms with living quarters and economic functions, built close together in one large block (Roussell 1941:159ff.). A large number of sites (n = 169) consist of between two and five ruins and, of these, 21% are enclosures, animal shelters, and storehouses. The majority of the Norse sites comprise between six and 15 individual ruins, whereas a few farms in the Eastern Settlement comprise between 16 and 45 ruins. These ruins are of dwelling houses, stables, byres, barns, and various kinds of workshops. Turfand stone-built walls surrounded a few sites, and an even smaller number also had artificial irrigation systems (Arneborg 2005). These findings all indicate that animal husbandry was based on a combination of “rough grazing” and more intensive management with cultivation and storage of fodder and housing of livestock during the winter. Whether the different practices are based on chronology is unknown. The terminology applied to farm structures in Norse Greenland is a little muddled. This lack of clarity is partly due to the fact that, in the literature, Danish researchers mostly use the term farm to refer to the farm buildings and yard linked with the buildings, whereas, according to Ingvild Øye (2005a:360f.), the Norwegian and North Atlantic concept of a farm refers to an entire resource territory, buildings included. In this respect, a farm could be divided into several holdings or households with temporary farms/shielings or annex farms (extended households) close to specific resources such as pastures and fishing waters, or they could contain tenant farms with separate households. In Greenland, the Brattahlid plain may be an example of a farm with more than one household, having had at least two dwelling houses, one at the North Farm (Ø29a) and another at the River Farm (Ø29) (Arneborg 2006:14ff.). In the mountains just above the Brattahlid plain is yet another group of buildings (site Ø29b), which most probably represents a shieling site (Arneborg 2006:41f.). Without written evidence, one can, however, only suggest boundaries and probable relationships between sites. In the following, the term farm will be used to refer to groups of ruins (ruin sites) containing one or more buildings regarded as living quarters (i.e., buildings of stone and turf and with a midden in front)—though we are well aware that the number of farms (economically interrelated units) may become far too high, because a farm in the North Atlantic sense may include several households with several living quarters. According to Norse concepts, the inhabited and cultivated area of the farm was the bær, and the nucleus of that area (the farmyard) was the tun. The tun and the bær belonged to the infield, innan garðr, which in some cases was surrounded by a fence, garðr. In Iceland the tun is identical with the home field, innan garðr (Øye 2005a:369, note 5). The area outside the garðr was the outfield, utan garðr. The infield-outfield system originated from a mixed farming tradition that included both agriculture and animal husbandry (Øye 2001:402). In the following, the terms infield/home field and outfield will be used in full knowledge of the fact that the borders between the two often are difficult to establish since most farms in Greenland lack fences around the home field. The system of utilizing the resources of mountainous and/or remote areas—the outfield or utan garðr—was an integrated part of the Norse economic strategies known in Western Norway from the 2nd century onwards (Arge 2005; Benediktsson 1982; Mahler 1991, 2007; Øye 2005a:402ff.; Skrede 2005). The vegetation of the shieling sites was of crucial importance. People set out for the shieling either to cut grass and bring it back as hay to the barns of the main farm/holding, or to take their livestock to the shieling in early summer and stay there as a long as the grazing was good (e.g., Øye 2005b:12). In the first case, the shieling site only required a few dwelling houses, and in the latter, enclosures and buildings for dairy production were also necessary. In Greenland, besides the mountain farm above the Brattahlid farm in Qassiarsuk, a number of small sites in the mountains of the Qorlortoq valley, just north of Qassiarsuk, have been identified as shielings belonging to the farms/holdings in the lowlands of the same valley, and both types of shieling activities have been proposed (Albrethsen 1991, Albrethsen and Keller 1986). Enclosures in the outfield had several functions (Madsen 2007). For instance, the livestock could be collected here every night for milking, or sheep could be gathered once a year for shearing. In modern times, Icelandic shepherds rounded up the sheep in the evening. The animals then spent the night in the enclosures, before being milked the following morning and then driven back to the pastures (Bruun 1928:262). The interior close to the ice is reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) land, and hunting drives recorded in the Western Settlement upland may reflect Norse reindeer hunting (Christensen 1989:20ff.). Today, reindeer are only present in the Norse Western Settlement; they became extinct in the former Norse Eastern Settlement during the 19th century (Meldgaard 1986:10–11). A few solitary stone houses recorded on the outer coast reflect Norse sea hunting (Berglund 1973). Most probably they were used for storage of both the catch and the hunting equipment. 6 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 (The King’s Mirror) (KS 1926), from the middle of the 13th century, records that the Greenlanders had large farms with good pastures and plenty of cattle and sheep. A few rich farmers even experimented with growing grain, but most people did not know of bread. Instead, they subsisted on butter, cheese, and meat from their animal husbandry, and they also ate all kinds of wild animals such as reindeer, whale, seal, and bear. In 1276, in a letter from Pope Johannes XXI to the Archbishop of Nidaros, it is said that the Greenlanders subsisted on dairy produce and fish (Reg. Norv II:158), and Pope Alexander VI states in a letter from 1492 that in Greenland, “… people live on dried fish and milk because of the lack of bread, wine, and oil.” According to the animal bone record (Bruun 1896:434–437; Degerbøl 1930, 1936, 1941; Enghoff 2003; McGovern 1985, 1992; McGovern et al.1993, 1996; Møhl 1982), cattle, sheep, and goats were the most important domesticates on the Norse farms, and pigs were also present in small numbers in the early period. Horse bones are also present in the assemblages, though generally in very small numbers. At GUS, the number of horse bones is relatively large, and these represent entire skeletons. Cut marks on some of the bones indicate that horses were skinned (Enghoff 2003:75). As a food source, horses were probably of negligible importance since there were, in the Middle Ages, strong taboos and even legislation against the consumption of horse flesh (Egardt 1981). Cattle were kept on all the farms regardless of size. Even the farmer at the small Western Settlement farm Niaquusat had a cow or two in his byre, despite the site not being an obvious place for cattle raising. At the medium-sized, late-phase GUS farm, the byre had one or two stalls for cattle. Cattle were most frequent in the Eastern Settlement, whereas sheep and goats dominated in the Western Settlement. (McGovern 1985:85). At both settlements, cattle were kept for dairy production (Enghoff 2003:87; McGovern 1985:103; McGovern et al. 1993:63, 1996:110), whereas sheep and goats seem to have been used for milk, meat, and wool (Enghoff 2003:87, McGovern 1985:103). Sea hunting formed an important part of the Norse Greenlander’s economy, and the coastal archipelago was rich in various kinds of birds (including guillemot, auk, eider, and gulls), seals, and whales (Muus et al. 1981). Non-migratory seals such as harbor seal (Phoca vitulina), ringed seal (Phoca hispida), and bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus) occur in the area. The latter is, however, more frequent in the Western Settlement area than in the Eastern Settlement area (Muus et al. 1981). In spring and early summer, and again in the autumn, migrating harp seals (Phoca groenlandica) pass along the coast of Southwest The Social Landscape The Norse societies were traditionally stratified, with the ownership of land as the key issue (Hastrup 1985:107ff., Øye 2005a:365). The landowners may have exploited the land themselves or they may have rented out larger or smaller plots of lands to tenants for specific periods. In his Greenland description, the Norwegian priest Ívar Bárðarson (Halldórsson 1978:133ff., Jónsson 1930) mentions that some landowners held many farms, and tenants may have run these. Archaeologically, sites with churches and, in some cases, also banqueting halls (cf. Berglund 1982) and warehouses (cf. Arneborg 2006) have been identified as high-status farms. According to the archaeological record, 16 Eastern Settlement farms have associated churches. In the Western Settlement, two farms have been recorded as having an associated church4. Five of the 16 Eastern Settlement farms seem only to have had their churches during the first period of settlement, indicating a progressive centralization of power in the society. Simultaneously, the churches changed status from having served family groups and their servants to serving larger congregations. In the middle of the 14th century, Ívar Bárðarson mentions ten large landowners (all having farms with churches) in the Eastern Settlement, with the episcopal residence Gardar as the absolutely largest. Two of the farms belonged—according to Ívar—to the Norwegian king. With their large churches, banqueting halls, and warehouses, Gardar (Ø47, Igaliku), Hvalsey fjord church (Ø83, Qaqortukulooq; not included in this study), and Herjolfsnes (Ø111, Ikigaat) may have comprised the social and economic centers of the late settlement period, while Gardar (Ø47), with its 52 recorded structures, appears as the most outstanding of all the farms in Norse Greenland. Resource Utilization and Economy: Written Accounts, the Animal Bone Record, Pollen, and Plant Macro-remains In the few available written accounts, the subsistence economy of the Norse Greenlanders is described as mixed, with animal husbandry and pastoralism on the one hand and hunting and fishing on the other. When the German monk Adam of Bremen described the islands of the north in about A.D. 1070, he knew very little of Greenland. Adam states that the Greenlanders were Christians and that their living conditions were like those of the Icelanders. According to Adam, the Icelanders, and consequently the Greenlanders, had no cereals and lived solely by raising cattle (Adam of Bremen 1978). A little less than 200 years later, the Konungs skuggsiá 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 7 the Norse Greenlanders fished at all. The apparent lack of fish bones may well reflect the handling of refuse or methods of fish preparation. For example, fish could have been cleaned at the fishing grounds. The majority of the bone assemblages derive from midden deposits outside the farm buildings. It is possible that dogs, foxes, or ravens may have eaten the fish bones lying on these refuse dumps. In contrast, all finds from GUS derive from inside the building complex itself. Here, meticulous sieving of deposits from the house floors resulted in the retrieval of relatively large numbers of fish bones, and there is no doubt that the Norse did exploit the rich fish resources for dietary purposes. Sculpin (Myoxocephalus scorpius), arctic char(Salvelinus alpinus), capelin (Mallotus villosus), cod (Gadus morhua), three-spined stickleback (Gasterosteus aculeatus), and halibut (Reinhardtius hippoglossoides) are all represented in the bone assemblages from GUS (Enghoff 2003:47 ff.). The bones from GUS also show that ptarmigan were frequently caught, as were arctic hare—both most probably for their meat (Enghoff 2003:87f.). Archaeobotanical Studies Archaeobotanical studies have never played an important role in the analysis of Norse resource utilization, and our knowledge of the Norse use of plants and berries is virtually non-existent. Knud Krogh (1982:103) reports on pollen of oats found in the turf wall that surrounded the small 11th-century church at Brattahlid, showing that the Norse Greenlanders, at least in the first period of settlement, grew or tried to grow cereals for either porridge or bread. At GUS in the Western Settlement, a fragment of a quernstone made of local material was found bordering an 11thcentury fireplace. This find, quernstones from other farms, and a single fragment of a baking plate— unfortunately without provenance—confirm that the Norse Greenlanders may have made bread, though not the leavened bread made with yeast which is mentioned in the King´s Mirror, but flat bread called leiv (Norwegian). Leiv was made from flour kneaded with water and baked in the hot ashes on flat baking plates (Øye n.d:17). Finds from the midden deposits at the Sandnes farm in the Western Settlement indicate that the Norse also exploited edible plants. For example, seeds of crowberry (Empetrum) and mountain cranberry (Vaccinium) were found in small heaps highly reminiscent of human feces. Seeds and other macro-remains of knotgrass (Polygonum), corn spurrey (Spergula) and flax (Linum), which may also have played a role in the human diet, were present in the midden deposits as well (Fredskild and Humle 1991:77-80). In the midden at Niaquusat in the Western Settlement, pollen of flax and spurrey was found. Spurrey is not an Greenland (Muus et al. 1981). With the thick drift ice, the hooded seal (Cystophora cristata) is a frequent guest in the Eastern Settlement region (Muus et al. 1981). Walrus (Odobenus rosmarus) has never been common south of 66° N in Southwest Greenland. In the 19th century, however, stragglers were reported in the Norse areas (Born et al. 1994:6), and a small population may even have been present in Nuuk fjord when the Norse settlers arrived (Bruun 1907, Degerbøl 1936:7). Cod is present all year round in the deep waters along the outer coast and in the fjords, and in spring, capelin enter the fjords to find breeding grounds near the shore. During the late summer, arctic char (Salvelinus alpinus) move up the streams near the settlements to spawn in the lakes in the hinterland, and can be caught at that time in extremely large numbers (Muus et al. 1981). Bones of seal and reindeer dominate the wild faunal assemblages, but walrus and polar bear are also present. Seal bones dominate all the assemblages from both settlements. In the Eastern Settlement, most of the bones are of harp and hooded seal, whereas harp and harbor seal are most frequent at the Western Settlement (Enghoff 2003:35ff.). Seal bones are present regardless of whether the farm is situated close to the coast or far inland. Sealskins may have been export articles; the fact that entire animals were taken to even the most remote and isolated inland farms emphasizes their economic importance (McGovern 1985:101). Reindeer played a greater role in the Western Settlement than in the Eastern Settlement (McGovern 1985:85). Reindeer hunting must have been primarily undertaken for meat, as only selected parts of the animal were brought back to the farms (ibid). The bone frequencies indicate that reindeer was on the menu far more often at inland farms than at those near the coast (Table 5; ibid). Walrus and polar bear were primarily hunted north of the settlements. Most of the walrus bone fragments found in the Eastern Settlement are of maxillae, indicating that only the valuable tusks were brought back to the settlement (Enghoff 2003:39; McGovern1985). In contrast, meat-bearing bones from all main skeletal parts are present in the GUS assemblage and in other assemblages from the Western Settlement (Enghoff 2003:39). This different distribution pattern may reflect the presence of a walrus colony in the Western Settlement area and suggests that walrus meat may have formed part of the Norse diet here, especially during the initial settlement period. Polar bear is mainly represented in the bone assemblages by phalanges and metapodials, indicating that only the valuable bearskins were brought back from hunting trips (McGovern 1985: 89). Fish bones are very rare in the excavated assemblages, which has given rise to a debate as to whether 8 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 indigenous plant in Greenland, but is a common weed of Northern European grain fields, and the plant may have come to Greenland along with imported corn (Sørensen 1982:302). Flax is represented by both pollen and macro-remains and was most probably grown locally. It may have served as either animal fodder and/or for making linen. Since the early contributions of Iversen (1934), there has been a small but growing corpus of pollen- analytical data from the Western and Eastern Settlements (e.g., Buckland et al. 2009; Edwards et al. 2008; Fredskild 1973, 1978, 1988; Schofield et al. 2008). This data tends to be from sampling sites within and adjacent to settlement areas, and cannot be discussed further here. The Dataset The data for the present study come from 19 Norse sites, and, for comparison, we have also included samples from both humans and animals from 22 Inuit sites. The Inuit samples will be dealt with in separate part of this report. The study includes 183 samples from human bones; 118 Norse and 65 Inuit. 254 samples are from animal bones. The following domesticates are represented: cow (Bos taurus), goat (Capra hircus), sheep (Ovis aries), pig (Sus scrofa), horse (Equus caballus), and dog (Canis familaris). The following game animals are represented: harp seal (Phoca groenlandica), common/harbour seal (Phoca vitulina), ringed seal (Phoca hispida), bearded seal (Phoca barbata), hooded seal (Cystophora cristata), walrus (Odobenus rosmarus), narwhal (Monodon monoceros), whale (Balaena mysticetus and Monodon monoceros5), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), musk ox (Ovibos moschatus), thick-billed murres (Uria lomvia) and hare (Lepus articus). The Norse Sites Of the Norse sites, 13 are from the Eastern Settlement and 6 are from the Western Settlement. The sites are ranked into three groups on the basis of elements, layout, and number of buildings (Table 1): 1. High-status farms with a church. 2. Medium-sized farms with six or more buildings that are either dispersed or built so close together that from the outside they look like one large building (the centralized farm). 3. Small farms with five or less, but more than one, buildings. Nine of the sites are classified as high-status farms (Ø1, Ø23, Brattahlid Ø29a, Gardar Ø47, Ø66, Ø149, Herjolfsnes Ø111, Sandnes V51, and Anavik V7). This is clearly an over-representation, compared to the fact that only 3% of all Norse Greenland sites belong to this group. The predominance of high-status sites are bound up with the many human samples included in the study. Seven farms are considered as medium-sized farms (GUS, Narsaq Ø17a, Qorlortoq Ø34, Qorlortoq Ø35, Igaliku Ø48, VatnahverfiØ71, and VatnahverfiØ167). Of these, one of the farms from the Western Settlement is of the centralized type (GUS). Three farms (Niaquusat V48, Nipaatsoq V54, and Naajaat Kuaat V63) are centralized farms and classified as small farms (Figs. 4A, B). The samples have been selected on the basis of three criteria: 1. The major dietary species are represented. 2. The Eastern and Western Settlements are more or less equally represented. 3. The different farm layouts as described above are represented. Table 1. Social ranking of farms in the study on the basis of elements. Layout and number of buildings/ruins. The distinction between “parish” churches and “family” churches is based on the dating of the church. Ø = Eastern Settlement, V = Western Settlement. Ruin group ID Farm layout Number of ruins “Parish” church Early “family” church Farm size Ø1 - Nuunataaq Dispersed 21 Yes High status Ø17a - Narsaq Dispersed 13 Middle sized Ø23 - Sillisit Dispersed 18 Yes High status Ø29a - Brattahlid Dispersed 20 Yes Yes High status Ø34 Dispersed 17 Middle sized Ø35 Dispersed 12 Yes Middle sized Ø47 - Gardar Dispersed 45 Yes High status Ø48 Dispersed 11 Yes Middle sized Ø66 Dispersed 27 Yes High status Ø71N Dispersed 12 Middle sized Ø111 - Herjolfsnes Dispersed 10 Yes High status Ø149 Dispersed 21 Yes High status Ø167 Dispersed 15 Middle sized V7 - Anavik Dispersed 8 Yes High status V48 - Niaquusat Centralised 2 Small V51 - Sandnes Dispersed 7 Yes High status V54 - Nipaatsoq Centralised 1 Small V63 Centralised 2 Small (?) GUS Centralised 1 Middle sized 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 9 Figure 4. The Eastern (A) and Western (B) Settlements, with the farms included in this study. 10 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 I. Early period (ca. A.D. 980–ca. A.D. 1160) II. Middle period (ca. A.D. 1160–ca. A.D. 1300) III. Late period (ca. A.D. 1300–ca. A.D. 1450) The Samples from the Eastern Settlement The “Landnam Farm”, Narsaq Ø17a. The Narsaq plain is one of the earliest settled areas of the Eastern Settlement, and the ruins here (ruin group Ø17 and Ø17a) may originally have constituted one very large farm (Fig. 5). At Ø17a, only the dwelling itself (ruin 4) has been investigated archaeologically, first by C.L. Vebæk (1993) and later by Hans Kapel (2003, unpubl. report).6 Faunal remains (n = 1738) from the dwelling indicate that the economy of the farm was based on a combination of animal husbandry and seal hunting. Sheep and goats dominated, but cattle were also of some importance. Pigs were kept in small numbers (McGovern, in Vebæk 1993). The dwelling had two building phases and, on the basis of the architecture, C.L. Vebæk dated the house to the landnam period, and later radiocarbon dates were in keeping with Vebæk’s archaeological dating (Vebæk 1993:73), as were AMS-dates obtained during this study (Table 2). All usable human bones were sampled. With regard to the dietary species, in order to achieve optimal results, specimens were, wherever possible, selected according to the following criteria: 1. Degree of preservation. 2. Bone-wall thickness. Only bones with a good solid bone wall were selected. 3. In order to avoid multiple samples from single individuals, either the right or the left side of individual species was chosen. Chronology Most of the archaeological investigations included in the study are from the period before strategraphical excavations were exercised and before the introduction of radiocarbon dating; consequently, chronological control on the samples was from the outset limited and mostly not available at all. To compensate for the missing dating, we have radiocarbon dated a large number of samples and when possible, on the basis of the old reports and new experiences, tried to evaluate the old excavations with the purpose of establishing a chronology. The evaluated samples were divided into three parts (AU) within the time span of Norse settlement in Greenland: Figure 5. The ruins in Narsaq, ruin site Ø17a. The ruins represent what are left of a very large Norse farm. All our samples are from ruin 4. Map after H. Kapel 2003. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 11 tions.7 Nevertheless, some trends can be observed. Among the domesticates, there is a predominance of cattle bones, and the relatively large numbers of seal remains indicate that seal hunting was also an important part of the economy. Seal bones are, overall, almost as numerous as remains of cattle (McGovern 1985:111). The 2006–2007 excavations confirm these earlier observations and accentuate the importance of seal, which increased through time (McGovern and Pálsdóttir 2007:36). Six samples from Ø17a contribute to the project, all from domesticated animals. They all derive from the earliest occupation phase of the dwelling, ruin 4 (AU I). The samples are all from C.L. Vebæk´s excavations (Table 2). Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk, Ø29 & Ø29a. Another landnam site is on the Qassiarsuk plain in Tunulliarfi k Fjord. A total of 60 ruins are recorded on the plain and are identified as the high-status farm Brattahlid, where Erik the Red settled with his family in the mid-AD 980s. The numerous ruins include several dwellings, suggesting that the site was a multiple farm with more than one household (Fig. 6). At Qassiarsuk, the northernmost farm (ruin group Ø29a) is thought to have been that of Erik the Red. The farm has an associated church. During the earlier period, the church was the small so-called “Tjodhildes Church” (Fig. 6, ruin 59). Later, a larger church replaced the “Tjodhildes Church” (Fig. 6, ruin 1). Major excavations at Qassiarsuk were carried out in 1932 under the direction of Poul Nørlund and Mårten Stenberger (1934), concentrating on the later church, the graveyard, and two dwelling structures in ruin group Ø29a. More recently, “Tjodhildes Church” was excavated between 1961–65 (for more about the ruins in Qassiarsuk, see Arneborg [2006]), and trial trenches were dug in the midden at Ø29a in 2005 and 2006 (Edvardsson 2007). Conditions for the preservation of organic materials are relatively poor on these well-drained moraine plains, and only a few animal bones (n = 304) were collected during the earlier archaeological investiga- Table 2. Samples from Narsaq, Ø17a. Reservoir corrected Calibrated Project 14C Age 14C Age intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 080 KNK D5/1992.572 Ruin 4, by water channel, Sus scrofa 1240 ± 30 1040 ± 30 995 -17.19 AAR-6107 I lower cultural layer. Res.age: 0.45 (980–1020) # 082 KNK D5/1991.573 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries 955 ± 30 1035–1145 -20.25 AAR-6108 I lower cultural layer (1025–1155) # 083 KNK D5/1991.574 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries I lower cultural layer. # 084 KNK D5/1991.575 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis aries 1140 ± 35 895–935 -20.16 AAR-6109 I lower cultural layer (885–975) # 085 KNK D5/1991.576 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis/Capra I lower cultural layer. # 086 KNK D5/1991.577 Ruin 4, by water channel, Ovis/Capra I lower cultural layer. Figure 6. Ruin sites Ø29a (to the north of the stream) and to the south ruin site Ø29, Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk. Map after Krogh (1982). 12 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Except for one sample of cattle bone, all the samples from Qassiarsuk included in this project derive from human skeletons excavated in the graveyard at “Tjodhildes church” in the 1960s (Fig. 7, Table 3). The small “Tjodhildes Church” building consists of thick turf walls that are presumed to have surrounded an inner wooden construction. The building had convex long sides typical of 11th-century Scan- Figure 7. The graves in the church yard at Tjodhildes Church. Determination of sex: red = female, blue = male, green = children, black = unknown sex. The samples included in the study are marked with project ID. Map after Krogh (1982). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 13 dinavian architecture. The majority of the dead are placed with their arms extended along the sides of their body, or hands placed across their pelvis; this is said to indicate a 11th- or 12th-century burial (Kieffer- Olsen 1993:21ff., 73 ff.). Earlier AMS-dates (Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998:table V), and those carried out in association with this project support the assumption that the church belongs to the early settlement period (Table 3). With some exceptions, the south side of the church was reserved for men and the majority of the women were buried on the north side, together with a few men (Balslev Jørgensen 2001:88). According to Balslev Jørgensen (2001:89) and Alexandersen and Prætorius (2003:13), there were clear differences with regard to both stature and the condition of the teeth between people buried on the south and north sides. These are interpreted as indicating social inequalities in diet and workload. In the present study, four samples are from the south side of the church, four from the north side, and another two samples are from the east side of the church. A special feature of the graveyard is a mass grave containing 13 adult men and two boys of 10 and 17 years of age, respectively. This grave was clearly secondary; the bones of the skeletons did not lie in situ, indicating that those interred had either been moved to “Tjodhildes Church” from another (heathen?) grave or they may have died far away, their bones being subsequently brought to Brattahlid for burial (Balslev Jørgensen 2001:96ff.). Alexandersen and Prætorius (2003:14) suggest that those buried in the mass grave were related to each other. Two samples in the project are from this grave. The human samples from “Tjodhildes Church” belong to AU I and II. Qorlortoq, Ø34. The ruins at Ø34 constitute a medium-sized farm with 16 ruins (Fig. 8). The first archaeological investigation at this site took place in the late 1990s, when sections of the midden were excavated under the leadership of Georg Nyegaard.8 Radiocarbon dates point to settlement from landnam to at least 1300. The samples (Table 4) in this study Table 3. The samples from “Tjodhildes Church”, Brattahlid, Qassiarsuk, Ø29a. DNM = Danish National Museum, KAL = The Anthropological Laboratory, Panum Institute, Copenhagen University. Reservoir Calibrated Project corrected intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species 14C Age (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 011 DNM CLA-2 CLA-2 “TjodhildeChurch” Human Norse 1155 ± 46 1000 ± 46 1020 (995–1043) -18,1 AAR-1267 I churchyard, Marine mass grave fraction: 0.341 # 012 DNM CLA-1 CLA-2 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1112 ± 51 930 ± 51 1065–1115 -17.5 AAR-1268 I churchyard, Marine (1028–1171) mass grave fraction: 0.412 # 016 DNM 74 1060x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 980 ± 49 880 ± 49 1169 (1061–1222) -19.1 AAR-1272 I–II churchyard, Marine northwest fraction: 0.224 # 017 DNM 380 “Tjodhilde Church” Bos taurus 1040 ± 80 1011 (960–1040) -20.6 AAR-1273 I churchyard # 018 DNM 110 1180x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1229 ± 41 1100 ± 41 976 (894–996) -18.5 AAR-1275 I churchyard, south Marine fraction: 0.294 # 019 DNM 90 1789x01 “TjodhildeChurch” Human Norse 1025 ± 50 870 ± 50 1192 (1122–1228) -18.0 AAR-1276 I–II churchyard, south Marine fraction: 0.353 # 025 DNM 36 1041x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 997 ± 51 890 ± 51 1165 (1046–1218) -19.0 AAR-1568 I–II churchyard, east Marine fraction: 0.235 # 026 DNM 41 1043x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 985 ± 45 870 ± 45 1175 (1061–1226) -18.9 AAR-1569 I–II churchyard, east Marine fraction: 0.247 # 027 DNM 73 1059x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1092 ± 55 870 ± 55 1172 (1063–1227) -16.8 AAR-1570 I–II churchyard, Marine northwest fraction: 0.494 # 028 DNM 66 1054x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse 1225 ± 51 1070 ± 51 985 (909–1017) -18,0 AAR-1571 I churchyard, north Marine fraction: 0.353 # 165 DNM 86 1070x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard,south # 187 DNM 2 1029x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard, northeast. # 189 DNM 120 1794x01 “Tjodhilde Church” Human Norse I–II churchyard, south. 14 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Gardar at Igaliku, Ø47. The sheep-farming community Igaliku, with the ruins of the Norse bishop’s see Gardar, and Igaliku Kujalleq, with the Norse farm Ø66, are situated on Igaliku fjord, neighboring Tunulliarfik. Gardar was by far the largest farm in the Norse settlements. The farm was built on the vast lush plain at the head of the fjord within easy access of both Tunulliarfik and Igaliku fjords. The Greenland bishop lived here in the period from about 1200 to 1378, and the farm shows all the signs of belonging to the small group of wealthy farms in Greenland. Besides the church, the farm had a large banqueting hall where the bishop and/or the farmer could entertain their guests. With easy access to the sea, there were several large stone-built warehouses for commodities intended for the North European market. The two byres had room for about 100 of the prestigious cattle, yet another sign of wealth, and an artificial irrigation system helped to optimize the yield of the large enclosed infield (cf. Arneborg 2005, 2006). A total of 45 scattered ruins have been recorded on the site (Fig. 9), but the number of buildings could originally have been considerably greater. The site was re-occupied by permanently resident sheep farmers in the second half of the 18th century, and many ruins have been torn down and the building materials re-used (For more information about the ruins at Igaliku, see Arneborg [2006]). The size of the byres, as well as the numbers of cattle bones recovered from the midden deposits, demonstrate that the economy of the farm relied heavily on cattle breeding (McGovern 1985:112). Pastures around Gardar are excellent. However, here, as elsewhere, seal hunting was also of considerable importance (McGovern 1985:112). The samples from Gardar include both human bones and bones of domesticates and game animals (Table 5), and all except one (Table 5, # 152) originate from Poul Nørlund’s excavations of the site in 1926 (Nørlund 1930). The human remains are from burials within the northern chapel of the church, including one of the Greenlandic bishops (Gardar I, # 22) (see Arneborg et al. 1999, Lynnerup 1998, Nørlund 1930:64ff.), a 30–35-year-old male (Gardar X, #20), and an 18/20–35-year-old female (Gardar XI, #21). AMS-dates assign the deceased to the 13th century (Lynnerup 1998:table V). The bishop can are from the midden excavations, and none of them have been dated. Figure 8. Ruin sites in the Qorlortoq valley. After Krogh (1982). Table 4. The samples from Qorloortoq valley, Ø34. Project ID Museum ID Provenance Species #Ø34-01 #Ø34-01 Midden Odobenus rosmarus #Ø34-10 #Ø34-10 Midden Phoca groenlandica #Ø34-56 #Ø34-56 Midden Monodon monoceros #Ø34-64 #Ø34-64 Midden Rangifer tarandus #Ø34-75 #Ø34-75 Midden Phoca groenlandica #Ø34-77 #Ø34-77 Midden Phoca groenlandica 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 15 churchyard east of the church (Degerbøl 1930:183) (Table 5), but were deposited in a midden prior to the establishment of the churchyard (J. Arneborg, unpubl. data). The walrus skulls belong to AU I. Igaliku Kujalleq Ø66. The Norse farm Ø66 lies alongside a minor inlet on the southeastern side of Igaliku fjord. Today, the innermost part of the fjord possibly be identified as Olaf, who—according to written sources—was elected bishop in 1246 and died in 1280/81 (Arneborg 1991). Almost all of the animal samples in our study come from bones that no longer have their original find numbers, making it impossible to determine precisely where they were found. A number of walrus skulls (samples # 310–316) probably all come from the Figure 9. Ruin site Ø47: the Episcopal residence Gardar, Igaliku. Map after Krogh (1982). 16 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Table 5. The samples from Gardar, Igaliku, Ø47. Calibrated Reservoir intercept δ13C Project Museum 14C Age corrected (1 sigma (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 020 DNM X 0915x01 Inside north chapel Male human Norse 1030 ± 65 810 ± 65 1233 -16.8 AAR-1437.1 II of church, Marine (1170–1281) below bishop fraction: 0.499 # 021 DNM XI 0916x01 Inside north chapel Female human Norse 880 ± 90 700 ± 90 1295 -17.6 AAR-1438-1 II–III of church, Marine (1256–1392) below bishop fraction: 0.254 # 022 DNM I 1118x01 Inside north chapel Human Norse 880 ± 55 770 ± 55 1272 -18.8 AAR-1439-1 II of church - bishop Marine (1223–1290) fraction: 0.612 # 149 DNM 70 Surroundings of Equus caballus smithy, ruin 11, and to the west of it # 152 DNM Bos taurus # 153 DNM Bos taurus # 161 DNM Bos taurus # 260 DNM Cystophora cristata # 270 DNM Capra hircus # 281 DNM Ovis aries # 282 DNM Ovis aries # 283 DNM Ovis aries # 284 DNM Ovis aries # 285 DNM Ovis aries # 286 DNM Ovis aries # 287 DNM Ovis aries # 288 DNM Ovis aries # 289 DNM Capra hircus # 290 DNM Capra hircus # 291 DNM Capra hircus # 292 DNM Capra hircus # 293 DNM Phoca hispida # 294 DNM Phoca hispida # 295 DNM Cystophora cristata # 296 DNM Cystophora cristata # 297 DNM Cystophora cristata # 298 DNM Cystophora cristata # 299 DNM Cystophora cristata # 300 DNM Cystophora cristata # 301 DNM Cystophora cristata # 302 DNM Phoca barbata # 303 DNM Phoca barbata # 304 DNM Phoca barbata # 306 DNM Canis familaris # 308 DNM 76 In the great heaps Sus scrofa 1040 ± 45 835 ± 45 1215 -17.11 AAR-6138 II east of the dwelling, Res. age: (1165–1260) ruin 8 0.46 x 450 yeard, marine model 1998 # 309 DNM 70 Surroundings of Sus scrofa 1130 ± 35 875 ± 35 1165 -16.15 AAR-6139 II smithy, ruin 11, and (1075–1205) to the west of it # 310 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1390 ± 30 940 ± 30 1050 -13.10 AAR-6140 I the cathedral (1030–1070) # 311 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus the cathedral # 312 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1430 ± 30 980 ± 30 1025 -12.73 AAR-6141 I the cathedral (1005–1045) # 313 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus 1420 ± 35 970 ± 35 1030 -12.78 AAR-6142 I the cathedral (1010–1050) # 314 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. # 315 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. # 316 DNM Churchyard, east of Odobenus rosmarus I the cathedral. 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 17 1883:113ff.), the assemblage of animal remains from Ø66 comprises fewer than 100 individual bones, and consequently no analysis of the economy of the farm has ever been carried out. In 1926, Aage Roussell (1926 unpubl. report) dug a small test pit in the churchyard and brought the remains of four skeletons back to Denmark. The two samples from Ø66 included in this project were collected from the churchyard by Roussell in 1926 (Table 6). The church has a rectangular ground plan and is dated to after 1300 (Roussell 1941:123ff.). Earlier churches at the site have not been recorded. The burials from which the samples came were in drift sand deposited along the south side of the church after the building was constructed; consequently they should be later than 1300. Both samples have been AMS-dated; one to the time around 1300, the other one is dated broadly to the 14th century, most likely the later part of the century, close to 1400. Russip Kuua, VatnahverfiØ71. Farm Ø71 at Russip Kuua and Ø167 ”Abel’s farm” are both situated in Vatnahverfi. The ruins at farm Ø71 lie is dry at low tide, and sediment cores show that previously fertile areas of land now lie submerged (Mikkelsen et al. 2008). The farm is situated on a large, heavily vegetated plain on a route leading to the large inland area of Vatnahverfi, which extends over 500 km2. More than 20 ruins have been recorded at Ø66; the farm has an associated church and is regarded as one of the largest in the Eastern Settlement (Fig. 10) The Vatnahverfiregion was relatively densely populated during the Norse period, and archaeologists have reported erosion and sand drift from several farms (e.g., Vebæk 1943:18ff., 55ff.). In 1894, Daniel Bruun (1896:374ff) reported that many of the ruins at Igaliku Kujalleq (Ø66) were covered by sand, especially those lying to the east of the church. The rooms of the dwelling house had filled up with sand before the walls collapsed, indicating that sand drift was already a problem when the house was abandoned. The church seemed to have been raised on a sand dune, and burials on the south side of the church were cut down into the sand (Fig. 10B). Despite several excavations during the years (Bruun 1896:368ff., Clemmensen 1911, Holm Figure 10a. Ruin site Ø66. A: Igaliku Kujalleq. Map after N.A. Møller and C.K. Madsen (2005), and B (following page): church and dwelling. Map after Bruun (1896). 18 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Figure 10b. Ruin site Ø66: B. church and dwelling. Map after Bruun (1896). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 19 In total, 19 ruins have been recorded at the site. Of these, seven are situated on the south side of the river and the remainder on the north side. Of the many ruins, 11 were more or less excavated in 1949 by C.L. Vebæk (1992:23ff.). Seven ruins were investigated on the north side of the river and four on the south side (Fig. 11). The three samples from Ø71 in this project are from cattle bones; they all originate from the ruin 12, situated on the north side of the river (Fig. 11, Table 7). The house is of the long-house type with a dwelling at one end and a byre/barn at the other. The samples are from dwelling rooms II and VI. The samples from room II are dated within the period ca. 1000–1300. The sample from room VI is dated to the 14th century. in an open grassy area on both sides of a stream connecting the two lakes of Saqqaata Tasia and Skyggesø. Dwelling structures and byre/barn complexes have been found on both sides of the stream. Whether the two farms were occupied simultaneously or not is unknown, although artefacts from the two houses seem to support the idea of contemporaneity, and we may be dealing with a multiple farm with more than one household. The site has not suffered from erosion or sand drift. However, dental microwear studies on mandibles from Ø71 south farm show that the sheep and goats ingested high levels of soil and grit. This phenomenon is associated with sparse or patchy vegetation cover and is perhaps indicative of pasture degradation (Mainland 2000). Table 6. The samples from Igaliku Kujalleq, Ø66. Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 023 DNM Gardar XII3 0919x01 Churchyard Human Norse 880 ± 55 610 ± 55 1392 -15.8 AAR-1441-1 III Marine (1312–1417) fraction: 0.612 # 024 DNM Gardar XII4 0920x01 Churchyard Human Norse 890 ± 45 690 ± 45 1297 -17.3 AAR-1442 II–III Marine (1279–1317) fraction: 0.441 Table 7. The samples from Vatnahverfi, Ø71. Project 14C Age Calibrated intercept δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 110 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 2 Bos taurus 735 ± 35 1280 (1265–1290) -20.14 AAR-6143 II # 111 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 6 Bos taurus 700 ± 40 1290 (1280–1375) -20.39 AAR-6144 II–III # 117 DNM D23/1991 Ruin 12, room 2 Bos taurus 965 ± 35 1030 (1020–1155) -19,54 AAR-6145 I Figure 11. Ruin site Ø71. Map after Vebæk (1992). 20 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 At Ø167, animal husbandry seems to have been of slightly greater importance, and seal hunting correspondingly less important, than at Ø71. As at all other Norse farms, the harp seal is the dominant seal species. The composition of the faunal material from Ø71 and the neighboring farm Ø167 (see below) is almost identical (McGovern 1992:93ff.). About 20% of all bones are from cattle, ca. 40% are sheep/ goat, whilst the remaining ca. 40% are from seal. Figure 12. The central ruins at Ø167. Map after Vebæk (1992). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 21 “Abels gård”, VatnahverfiØ167. Further on in Vatnahverfi, 3–4 km from Russip Kuua (Ø71), farm Ø167 lies in a small mountain valley. The mediumsized Ø167 farm was initially registered in 1948, and archaeological excavations were conducted at the site under the direction of C.L.Vebæk in 1949 (Vebæk 1992:45ff.). The ruin group comprises 15 ruins (Fig. 12), of which the following were studied: The dwelling (ruin 1), ruin 2 (also a habitation structure, possibly part of ruin 1), what is described as the traces of an earlier building between ruin 1 and ruin 2 and also ruin 7, which must be regarded as a centralized farm complex. The chronological relationship between ruins 1 and 2 and the central farm complex, ruin 7, is unclear. As at Ø71, the site has not suffered from erosion or sand drift. Fragments of a human skull were found in the passage of the centralized farm ruin 7. The circumstances of this strange deposition are unknown. However, as only small parts of the skull were found, it must lie in a secondary position. The skull has been radiocarbon dated to around AD 1275 (Vebæk 1992:108). A total of 23 samples (including bones of domesticates as well as of seal) from Ø167 are included in the project (Table 8). Apart from one single stray find, and the one sample collected in ruin 7 (the human skull), all samples come from ruin 1, where they were either collected inside the building in rooms I and II, III and IV, or V or from the midden. The ruins were not excavated stratigraphically, and a glance at the excavation plan of ruin 1 (Fig. 13) shows that the house, or at least the central part of the building, has had more than one building phase. Vebæk (1992:46ff.) points out that rooms 1a and 1b belong to an earlier phase. Rooms I and II at the eastern end of the building were remarkably wellpreserved, with fireplaces in niches in the wall. Artefacts found in the room indicate a date after 1200; we do, however, have radiocarbon dates that indicate activities in the 11th century (AAR-6132). Room III is in the central part of the building, and several building phases were recorded here. The artefacts from the room cannot be dated. With regard to room V, Vebæk does not mention more than one phase. Artefacts from this room are from the period after 1200. AMS-dates confirm that the house has several phases, that the oldest parts are from the landnam period, and that it is not possible to establish a secure local chronology (Table 8). Table 8. The samples from Vatnahverfi, Ø167. Calibrated Project 14C Age intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 081 KNK D24/1991.290 Strayfind Sus scrofa # 087 KNK D24/1991.291 House 7, passage Bos taurus between room III and IV # 088 KNK D24/1991.292 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 089 KNK D24/1991.293 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 090 KNK D24/1991.294 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 091 KNK D24/1991.295 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 092 KNK D24/1991.296 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 093 KNK D24/1991.297 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 094 KNK D24/1991.298 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 095 KNK D24/1991.299 Midden, house 1 Ovis aries # 108 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus 940 ± 35 1040–1150 -20.02 AAR-6133 I (1025–1160) # 109 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Bos taurus 970 ± 40 1030 -20.45 AAR-6132 I (1020–1155) # 112 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Bos taurus # 113 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room V Bos taurus 855 ± 40 1195–1210 -20.71 AAR-6136 II (1160–1235) # 114 KNK D24/1991 House 1, wall between Bos Taurus 675 ± 35 1295 -20.71 AAR-6137 III room III and IV (1285–1380) # 115 KNK D24/1991 House 1, wall between Bos taurus room III and IV # 116 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus # 118 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Bos taurus # 119 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room V Bos taurus 780 ± 45 1265 -20.01 AAR-6135 II (1220–1280) # 120 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room III Bos taurus 1090 ± 30 980 -20.40 AAR-6134 I (900–995) # 121 KNK D24/1991 Midden, house 1 Cystophora cristata # 122 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Phoca groenlandica # 123 KNK D24/1991 House 1, room I and II Cystophora cristata Ø167 Human skull 710 ± 50 1275 -19.1 K-5889 II (1280–1305) 22 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Figure 13. The dwelling, ruin no. 1 at ruin site Ø167. Map after Vebæk (1992). Figure 14. The ruin site Ø149, Narsarsuaq. Map after Vebæk (1992). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 23 Narsarsuaq Ø149. The Norse farm Ø149 at Narsarsuaq in Uunartoq Fjord was first identified by Poul Nørlund and later accepted by C.L.Vebæk as the Benedictine convent referred to by Bárðarson (Halldórsson 1978:135, Jónsson 1930:23). The ruins of the high-status farm lay spread across a large plain, from where a total of 21 features, including home-field dikes, have been recorded (Fig. 14). Ø 149 is situated on a peninsula between Lichtenau Fjord and Uunartoq Fjord in the less densely inhabited southern region of the Norse Eastern Settlement (Fig. 4A). The site lies close to the hot springs on the island of Uunartoq. These springs may have been one of the attractions and perhaps even formed part of the economic basis of the farm. Iceland is well known for its many hot springs, which were considered to be curative (Sveinbjarnardóttir 2005). The first archaeological excavations took place in 1945-46 and again in 1948 under the direction of C.L. Vebæk (1991). The following ruins were investigated (Fig. 14): church and churchyard (ruin 1), sections of the dwelling (ruin 2), the stable/barn complex (ruin 9) and a small stable (ruin 7). Neither the buildings, which resemble all other Norse farms, Table 9. The samples from Narsarsuaq, Uunartoq, Ø149. Reservoir Calibrated Project Museum 14C Age corrected intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 007 DNM I:7 1000x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 845 ± 50 580 ± 50 1401 -15.9 AAR-1263 III Marine (1329–1428) fraction: 0.600 # 008 DNM I:10 1001x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 937 ± 53 610 ± 53 1389 -14.8 AAR-1264 III Marine (1312–1414) fraction: 0.729 # 009 DNM II:1 1002x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse 886 ± 48 640 ± 48 1322 -16.3 AAR-1265 III Marine (1301–1399) fraction: 0.553 # 010 DNM I:6 0999x01 Churchyard, strayfind Human Norse 852 ± 44 590 ± 44 1399 -16.0 AAR-1266 III Marine (1325–1418) ` fraction: 0.588 # 212 DNM I:2 0995x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse # 213 DNM I:3 0996x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 910 ± 35 605 ± 35 1340–1390 -15.24 AAR-6146 III Res. age: (1320–1405) 0.68 # 214 DNM I:4 0997x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 1005 ± 35 700 ± 35 1290 -15.27 AAR-6147 III Res. age: (1280–1305) 0.67 # 215 DNM I:5 0998x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 940 ± 35 665 ± 35 1305 -15.83 AAR-6148 III Res. age: (1290–1325) 0.61 # 216 DNM I:6 0999x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse 1050 ± 40 710 ± 40 1290 -14.61 AAR-6149 III Res. age: (1270–1305) 0.75 # 217 DNM I:7 1000x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse III # 218 DNM I:10 1001x01 Churchyard, gravefield I Human Norse III # 219 DNM II:1 1002x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse III # 220 DNM II:3 1003x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 221 DNM II:9 1009x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 222 DNM II:4 1004x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 223 DNM 1005x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 224 DNM II:6 1006x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 225 DNM 1007x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 226 DNM II:8 1008x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 227 DNM II:10 1010x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 228 DNM II:11 1011x01 Churchyard, gravefield II Human Norse # 229 DNM 1012x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 230 DNM 1014x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 231 DNM 1018x01 Churchyard, heap 1 Human Norse # 232 DNM 1013x01 Churchyard, fence NE Human Norse # 233 DNM 1022x01 Churchyard, heap 2 Human Norse # 234 DNM 1021x01 Churchyard, heap 2 Human Norse # 235 DNM 1017x01 Churchyard, strayfind Human Norse # 236 DNM 1023x01 Churchyard, strayfind Human Norse # 237 DNM 1141x01 Churchyard, strayfind Human Norse 24 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 nor the artefacts recovered, provide any indications that the farm at Narsarsuaq had any special function, and none indicate that it served as a convent. The faunal material is limited (n = 610). Seal bones dominate, accounting for 61% of the total bone assemblage. Domesticated animals make up 33% of the bones, with almost equal numbers of cattle and sheep/goat remains (Vebæk 1991:71ff.). Thirty samples from Ø149 are included in the project (Table 9). All are from human burials within the churchyard, including finds from two “grave fields” I and II. The church is of the long house type dated to after 1300. Older phases of the church have not been recorded. According to Vebæk, grave field I was excavated in two layers, whereas only the upper layer of grave field II was excavated. Skeletons from grave field I are dated to the 14th century. The youngest is from about 1400. The skeletons from grave field II are most probably from the same period. Herjolfsnes at Ikigaat, Ø111. The farm at Herjolfsnes (Ø111), with its church and well-built banqueting hall, differs from the other high-status farms with regard to location. The farm lies southernmost in the Eastern Settlement on a peninsula that extends directly out into the Atlantic Ocean ca. 50 km from Cape Farewell (Fig. 4A). The vegetation is sparse, although lush grass grows in sheltered spots in the mountains. The ruins lie on a small promontory, which is only sheltered from the Atlantic storms by some small islands and rocky skerries; this is not a typical location for a Norse farm. The number of recorded structures at the site is 12 (Fig. 15). However, due to both landslides and erosion, some ruins may have been either buried or lost to the sea. Ruins may also have been removed when a small trading post was established here in 1834 (Nørlund 1924:15). In the written sources, Herjolfsnes is bound up with trade and the sea, and this may very well have Figure 15. The ruin site Ø111, Herjolfsnes, Ikigaat. Map by N.-C. Clemmensen and H.C. Kapel (2008). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 25 been the basis for the social position of the farm. Herjolfsnes may have been the first place travellers came to after having crossed the North Atlantic and the last when they set sail (cf. Arneborg 2006). Twelve ruins have been recorded at Herjolfsnes (Fig. 15; Arneborg 2006:74ff.). Other than the church, the ruin group comprises a dwelling, a supposed stable/barn complex, a smithy, and outhouses. The main excavations of the site took place in 1921 under the direction of Poul Nørlund (1924). The Herjolfsnes church is of the Romanesque type (Fig. 16), and radiocarbon dates for both cloth Figure 16. The Church and churchyard at Ø111. After P. Nørlund (1921). Table 10. The samples from Herjolfsnes, Ikigaat, Ø111. Reservoir Calibrated Project Museum 14C Age corrected intercept δ13C (‰) ID ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 013 DNM 18 0906x01 Churchyard Human Norse 899 ± 84 550 ± 84 1418 (1329–1456) -14.4 AAR-1269 III Res. age: 0.776 # 014 DNM 1 1105x01 Churchyard Human Norse 750 ± 56 500 ± 56 1437 (1413–1467) -16.2 AAR-1270 III Res. age: 0.565 # 015 DNM 4 1106x01 Churchyard Human Norse 767 ± 45 520 ± 45 1430 (1407–1447) -16.3 AAR-1271 III Res. age: 16.3 # 201 DNM 0903x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 202 DNM 0905x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 203 DNM 0907x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 204 DNM 1108x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 205 DNM 9 1110x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1000 ± 35 730 ± 35 1285 (1260–1295) -15.94 AAR-6127 II Res. age: 0.60 # 206 DNM 11 1111x01 Churchyard Human Norse 960 ± 35 640 ± 35 1320 (1300–1385) -14.98 AAR-6128 III Res. age: 0.71 # 207 DNM 12 1120x01 Churchyard Human Norse 930 ± 30 635 ± 30 1320 (1305–1390) -15.41 AAR-6129 III Res. age: 0.66 # 208 DNM 13 1121x01 Churchyard Human Norse 980 ± 35 690 ± 35 1295 (1285–1305) -15.54 AAR-6130 II # 209 DNM 1146x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III # 210 DNM 19 1676x01 Churchyard Human Norse 995 ± 25 700 ± 25 1295 (1285–1305) -15.42 AAR-6131 II # 211 DNM 1677x01 Churchyard. Human Norse III Comments: #013 Found together with hood DNM D10605 AD1390–1490 (AAR-1289). #014 Found together with dress DNM D10581 AD1380–1530 (AAR-1288). #015 Found together with hood DNM D10606 AD1300–1370 (AAR-1290). #205 Found together with hood DNM D10597. #206 Found together with dress DNM D10583. #210 Found together with fragmented dress DNM D10577. 26 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Figure 17. Ruin site at V48, Niaquusat. The Inuit structure in front of the Norse farm is from the 17th–18th centuries. The Norse midden was excavated 1976–1977. Map after J. Meldgaard (1977). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 27 found in the graves and skeletons show that the church was still in use during the first half of the 15th century (Arneborg 1996, Lynnerup 1998). The dates all fall within the period from the late 13th to the early 15th century, and the project’s undated samples may well derive from the same period, time period III) (Table 10). There are no assemblages of faunal remains from Ikigaat and, accordingly, only the human skeletons from the 1921 excavations are included in the project (Table 10, Fig. 16). The samples from Western Settlement sites Samples from six localities in the Western Settlement have been included in this study. Of these, five are located within the Ameralik-Ameralla fjords in the southern part of the Western Settlement, whilst the sixth, Ujarassuit, lies in the inner reaches of Nuuk fjord (Fig. 4B). Niaquusat V48. The midden at the small farm at Niaquusat, situated at the mouth of Ameralla fjord, was investigated 1976–1977. The farm lies on the sunny side of the fjord in an oasis of lush vegetation comprising herbs, angelica, and willow. Relatively steep crags surround the site on three sides, and the farm area itself was limited. The site has been known since the beginning of the 19th century and even then it was described as being so poorly suited to farming that the Norse inhabitants must have lived off fishing (GHM III:837). A total of three ruins have been recorded here. Situated centrally on the plateau is a small, presumably centralized farm complex, and in the mountains are two enclosures. None of these remains has been archaeologically investigated. In front of the central house, closer to the fjord, lies a 17th–18th century Thule culture long-house (Gulløv 1983:162). The 1976–1977 excavations at Niaquusat concentrated on the Norse midden in order to study the economy of the farm. Two main trenches were dug running downhill from the central farm building (Fig. 17). Trench A was excavated in 1976 under the direction of Jeppe Møhl, and trench CD was excavated in 1977 under direction of Tom McGovern. Both trenches contained deposits extending from the initial settlement around AD 1000 to the abandonment of the Western Settlement in the second Table 11. The samples from Niaquusat, V48. The pre-Norse dates may be from paleo-Eskimo activities on the site. Calibrated Reservoir intercept(s) Project 14C Age corrected (1 sigma δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 029 KNK 985x3000 Midden, A9 layer 1, Canis familaris III 19, and 20 # 030 KNK 985x3001 Midden, A15 layer Canis familaris 1050 ± 35 625 ± 35 1330 -12.99 AAR-6098 III 40–50, 32, and 33 (1310–1395) # 031 KNK 985x3002 Midden, A9 layer Lepus arcticus 130–140, 23, and 24 # 032 KNK 985x3003 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 930 ± 35 1045–1155 -21.49 AAR-6099 I 100–bottom, 22–down (1030–1160) # 033 KNK 985x3004 Midden, A9 layer Capra hircus III 20–30, 19, and 20 # 034 KNK 985x3005 Midden, A9 layer Rangifer tarandus 19 and 20 # 035 KNK 985x3006 Midden, CD9, D13–14 Rangifer tarandus layer 17/20, 16/17, or 15 # 036 KNK 985x3007 Midden, CD9, D13 Balaena mysticetus? II–III layer 14, 55, 50, and 35 # 037 KNK 985x3008 Midden, D9 layer Bos taurus 950 ± 40 1000–1190 -20.5 CAMS- I 110–120, 5, 7, and 9 62000 # 038 KNK 985x3009 Midden, C9 layer 70–80, Bos taurus 19/24 # 039 KNK 985x30?? Midden, D14 layer Capra hircus II 50-60, 53/29 # 040 KNK 985x3011 Midden, D13 layer Capra hircus 60–70, 55, 57, and 39 # 045 KNK 985x3012 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 90–100, 22, and 23 # 046 KNK 985x3013 Midden, A9 layer Rangifer tarandus 1165 ± 45 890 -19.62 AAR-6103 Inuit? 120–130, 23 (780–960) # 047 KNK 985x3014 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 120–130, 23 # 048 KNK 985x3015 Midden, A10 layer Rangifer tarandus 130–140, 23 # 053 KNK 985x3016 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 850 ± 50 xxxx -20.47 CAMS- 110–120, 22, and 23 62001 28 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 half of the 14th century (Arneborg 1991, McGovern 1985:115–116, Møhl 1982). The chronology of trench CD has been established on the basis of radiocarbon dates (Arneborg 1991). The present study includes 44 samples from Niaquusat from landnam around 1000 to depopulation around 1350 (Table 11). More than 80% of all faunal remains (n = 17,791) excavated from the midden are of seal, with an increase over the period from initial settlement to abandonment. The presence of the Thule culture long-house at the site further supports the view that Niaquusat was an excellent location for seal hunting. Among the domesticates are pigs, cattle, sheep, and goats, with a majority of the latter two (McGovern 1985:116). Sandnes, Kilaarsarfik, V51, the Sandnes farm, lying at the head of Ameralla fjord, has an associated church. The site is regarded as the largest and Table 11, continued. Calibrated Reservoir intercept(s) Project 14C Age corrected (1 sigma δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 056 KNK 985x3018 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 945 ± 30 1040–1150 -20.84 AAR-6104 I 140–150, 24, and 25 (1025–1160) # 059 KNK 985x3017 Midden, A10 layer Bos taurus 130–140, 23, and 24 # 072 KNK 985x3020 Midden, A10 layer Phoca groenlandica 90–100, 22, and 28 # 073 KNK 985x3019 Midden, A10 layer Phoca vitulina 120–130, 23 # 074 KNK 985x3020 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 110–120, 22, and 28 # 075 KNK 985x3021 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 1580 ± 35 1130 ± 35 880 -14.19 AAR-6105 Inuit? 140–150, 22, and 23 Res.age: 1 (820–905) # 076 KNK 985x3023 Midden, A9 layer Phoca groenlandica 110–120, 22, and 23 # 077 KNK 985x3024 Midden, A10 layer Phoca hispida 90–100, 22, and 28 # 078 KNK 985x3025 Midden, A9 layer Whale 110–120, 22, and 23 # 079 KNK 985 Midden, A10 layer Odobenus rosmarus 1535 ± 50 1085 ± 50 915 -12.59 AAR-6106 Inuit? 150–160, 25 Res.age: 1 (875–990) # 139 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina 10–20, recent surface # 140 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina III 40–50, 33 # 141 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina 1280 ± 35 830 ± 35 1190 -12.31 AAR-6110 II 110–120, 34, and 35 Res.age: 1 (1160–1225) # 142 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina III 50–60, 33 # 143 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina II 100–110, 34, and 35 # 144 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca vitulina III 30–40, 32 # 145 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina III 50–60, 33 # 146 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Phoca vitulina I 130–140, 36 # 148 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Phoca barbata III 40–50, 32, and 33 # 150 KNK 985 Midden, D10 layer Sus scrofa I 120–130 26, and 27 # 155 KNK 985 Midden, C14 layer Bos taurus 700 ± 40 1340–1400 -21.21 CAMS- II 90–100, 62, 64, and 60 62002 # 157 KNK 985 Midden, A15 layer Bos taurus III 50–60, 33 # 159 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Bos taurus III 30–40, 32 # 162 KNK 985 Midden, B3 layer 80–90 Bos taurus # 354 KNK 985 Midden, A9 layer Bos taurus 110–120, 22, and 23 # 355 KNK 985 Midden, C14 layer Bos taurus II 90–100, 62, 64, and 60 # 356 KNK 985 Midden, A16 layer Bos taurus III 30–40, 32 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 29 wealthiest in the southern part of the Western Settlement, and is the center of the region. The farm is situated close to the shore at the head of Ameralla fjord on the south-facing moraine slopes of the valley connecting Ameralla fjord with Kapisillit fjord in the extensive Nuuk fjord system. The open valley offered plenty of pasture and fields for hay-making, and the river in the valley supplied water for the farm. Today, the site can hardly be reached by boat, especially at low tide when the sandy bottom lies dry. The very fact that currently the church is sanded up and flooded at high tide shows that the landscape has changed dramatically since the Norse settlers arrived, and much land has been lost to the sea. Only seven ruins have been recorded on the Kilaarsarfi k plain (Fig. 18; Bruun 1918:95ff., Roussell 1936), and archaeological investigations have been carried out on several occasions. Poul Nørlund (1930 unpubl. report) and Aage Roussell (1932 unpubl. report, 1936) excavated the site in 1930 and again in 1932, and part of the midden between the dwelling (ruin 4) and the churchyard was excavated under the direction of Tom McGovern in 1984 (T. McGovern, 1984 unpubl, report; McGovern et al. 1996). On the basis of the artefacts discovered, the Sandnes farm was most likely occupied from the landnam around 1000 up until the time of the depopulation of the Western Settlement. This timing also applies to the church, which is of Romanesque type. Older churches on the site or older phases of the church have not been recorded. The zooarchaeological record indicates that the Sandnes economy was based primarily on hunting, especially of seal, although caribou is also well represented. Cattle and sheep/goats are represented in almost equal numbers. There do not seem to be any changes through time, except that goat numbers seem to increase relative to sheep (McGovern et al. 1996). Seventy-four samples from Kilaarsarfik, including both human and animal bones, are included in the project. The human remains derive from Nørlund’s and Roussell’s archaeological investigations in 1930. All of the animal bones come from McGovern’s midden excavations in 1984. A chronology of the midden deposits has been established on the basis of radiocarbon dates (McGovern et al. 1996), and the supplementary dates obtained in this Figure 18. Ruin site V51, Sandnes, Kilaarsarfik. 1) church, 3) 11th-century houses, 4) dwelling, 5) byre/barn, 6) byre/stable/ barn, 7) workshop, 8) fence. A) paleo-Eskimo site, B) midden excavation 1984, C) excavation 1984, D) fence, E) irrigation channel (?), and F) fence. Map after Roussell (1932) and Krogh (1984). National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark and The Greenland National Museum and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 30 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Table 12. The samples from Sandnes, Kilaarsarfik, V51. Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 001 DNM XI 0929x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1030 ± 45 700 ± 45 1297 -14.8 AAR-1143 II–III Res. age: 0.729 (1295–1317) # 002 DNM X 0928x01 Churchyard Human Norse 865 ± 40 560 ± 40 1408 -15.2 AAR-1144 III Res. age: 0.682 (1390–1428) # 003 DNM XXX 0960x01 Churchyard Human Norse 940 ± 45 690 ± 45 1301 -16.2 AAR-1145 II–III Res. age: 0.565 (1282–1322) # 004 DNM XXIX 0960x01 Churchyard Human Norse 970 ± 40 610 ± 45 1390 -14.1 AAR-1146 III Res.age: 0.812 (1323–1412) # 005 DNM XXXI 0959x01 Churchyard Human Norse 940 ± 40 690 ± 40 1301 -16.2 AAR-1147 II–III Res. age: 0.565 (1284–1320) # 006 DNM XXXV 0964x01 Churchyard Human Norse 970 ± 40 670 ± 40 1307 -15.4 AAR-1148 II–III Res. age: 0.659 (1290–1328) # 156 KNK 4 Midden, I, 58, Bos taurus II 70-80 cm # 158 KNK 4 Midden, III, Bos taurus 510 # 160 KNK 4 Midden, I, R7, Bos taurus 60–65 cm. # 178 DNM I 0922x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 179 DNM II 0923x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 180 DNM IV 0924x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 181 DNM VI 0926x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 182 DNM VI 0926x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 183 DNM VIII 0927x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 184 DNM XII 0930x01 Churchyard Human Norse II–III # 185 DNM XIV 0931x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 191 DNM XVI 0933x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 192 DNM XVI 0933x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 190 DNM 0932x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 193 DNM XVIIa 0934x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 194 DNM IXVIIb 0935x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 195 DNM XVIIc 0936x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 196 DNM XVIId 0937x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 197 DNM XVII 0938x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1177 ± 45 951 ± 45 1038 -16.73 AAR-5257 I Res. age: 0.50 (1021–1151) # 238 DNM 0944x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 239 DNM 0945x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 240 DNM XXII 0947x01 Churchyard Human Norse 1183 ± 29 941 ± 29 1045 -16.42 AAR-5258 I Res. age: 0.54 (1030–1116) # 241 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 242 DNM XL 0969x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 243 DNM XXXIX 0968x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 244 DNM XXXVI 0966x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 245 DNM V 0925x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 246 DNM III 1679x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 247 DNM XXXII 1612x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 248 DNM XXXVIII 1126x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 249 DNM XX 1123x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 250 DNM XXI 1131x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 251 DNM XXXIX 0968x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 252 DNM XIII 1128x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 253 DNM XL 0969x01 Churchyard Human Norse 923 ± 26 688 ± 26 1296 -16.57 AAR-5259 II Res. age: 0.52 (1287–1305) # 254 DNM XXXIII 0958x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 255 DNM XXXIII 0958x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 256 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse 910 ± 25 677 ± 25 1299 -16.60 AAR-5260 II–III Res. age: 0.52 (1291–1309) # 257 DNM XXXIV 0963x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 258 DNM XXVII 0957x01 Churchyard Human Norse 989 ± 24 696 ± 24 1294 -15.46 AAR-5261 II Res. age: 0.65 (1285–1303) # 259 DNM XXVII 0957x01 Churchyard Human Norse II # 390 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q9, Bos taurus II 19 # 391 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q8, Ovis/Capra II 19 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 31 project are in keeping with these earlier dates. The archaeological dates for the skeletons are based on the AMS-dates from this project (Table 12). Naajaat Kuaat V63. Moving from Kilaarsarfik up through Naajaat Kuaat, which today is almost entirely sanded up, farm V63 is situated on the eastern shore of the fjord. The farm is situated on a small luxuriant plateau close to a small stream. Today, grasses, herbs, and willow dominate the vegetation. There is not much space for buildings; indeed there are only the remains of a poorly preserved building, presumably representing a small, centralized farm. On the hillside behind the house ruin are the wellpreserved remains of a stone storehouse (skemma). No investigations have been carried out, apart from a minor test pit in the midden in 1977 (J. Meldgaard, National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark, pers. comm.), and the one sample included here (#154) is from the 1977-test pit, however, without any chronological information. Nipaatsoq V54. Naajaat Kuaat is the gateway to the large inland delta that leads melt water from the glacier Kangaasarsuup Sermia and water from the lakes Isortuarsuk og Kangerluarsunnguup Tasersua9, out into the fjord. Here, on a plateau rising above Najaat Kuaat, is the middle-sized Nipaatsoq farm, and an hour’s walk further towards the glacier lies GUS (see below). The landscape around Nipaatsoq is open, with low vegetation consisting of grasses, lichen, and shrub. Along the streams, and in moist areas, the vegetation includes willow and birch. The farm at Nipaatsoq is of the centralized type (Fig. 19). The first archaeological investigations took place in 1952 under the direction of Jørgen Meldgård, and in 1976–1977 Meldgård and Andreasen carried out more excavations (C. Andreasen, 1977 unpubl. report). The economy of the Nipaatsoq farm was based on a combination of sheep and goat husbandry and hunting (seal and caribou in particular). In the assemblage, 39% of the total number of bones (n = Table 12, continued. Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 392 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Ovis/Capra II 19 # 393 KNK 4x1301.a Midden, I, 46 Ovis/Capra I # 394 KNK 4x1301.b Midden, I, 46 Ovis/Capra I # 395 KNK 4x1273 Midden, I, 34 Bos taurus II–III # 396 KNK 4x1165 Midden, I, 59 Bos taurus 1000 -20.52 AAR-5748 I (980–1020) # 397 KNK 4x1156 Midden, I, 59 Ovis aries I # 398 KNK 4x1175 Midden, III, 50 Rangifer tarandus cm to subsoil # 399 KNK 4x1291 Midden I, 60 Bos taurus I # 400 KNK 4x1167 Midden I, 60 Ovis/Capra I # 401 KNK 4x1159 Midden I, 64 Rangifer tarandus I # 402 KNK 4 Midden, I, T8, Bos taurus II 48 # 403 KNK 4 Midden, I, S8, Ovis/Capra II 48 # 404 KNK 4x54 Midden, I, 4 Bos taurus 1000–1015 -20.61 AAR-5749 I (985–1020) # 405 KNK 4 Midden, I, 47, Ovis/Capra II fire place # 406 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Rangifer tarandus II-III 12 # 407 KNK 4 Midden I, 66 Ovis/Capra I # 408 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q9, Bos taurus 1035 -20.67 AAR-5750 I 66 (1020–1155) # 409 KNK 4x1217 Midden, I, 65 Bos taurus 1045–1155 -20.60 AAR-5751 I (1035–1160) # 410 KNK 4x1040 Midden, I, 50 Ovis/Capra I # 411 KNK 4x1311 Midden, I, 50 Rangifer tarandus I # 412 KNK 4 Midden, I, Q10, Rangifer tarandus II–III 30 # 413 KNK 4 Midden, I, T10, Rangifer tarandus II-III 11 # 414 KNK 4x1043 Midden I, 58 Capra hircus II # 415 DNM Unit 3, bottom Bos taurus 995 -20.25 AAR-5752 I layer (975–1020) # 416 DNM Living house 4, Rangifer tarandus 1275 -19.08 AAR-5753 II upper layer (1225–1285) 32 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Figure 19. Ruin site V54, Nipaatsoq. The centralized farmhouse was excavated 1952 and again in 1976–1977. Map after Andreasen (1982). Table 13. The samples from Nipaatsoq, V54. Sample #42 may be from post-Norse Inuit activities on the site. Project Calibrated intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (1 sigma range) VPDB LAB ID AU # 041 KNK 991x2000 Room 6, koord. 6 Ovis aries 1300–1375 (1290–1385) -19.70 AAR-6100 III 490,1/212,60. Niv. 17 # 042 KNK 991x2001 Room 4, 50–55 cm Rangifer tarandus 1475 (1445–1605) -17.93 AAR-6101 Inuit? below surface # 043 KNK 991x2002 Room 4 Ovis aries 1060–1155 (1030–1185) -19.28 AAR-6102 I # 044 KNK 991x2003 Room 4 Capra hircus III # 147 KNK 991 Midden, koord. 493/187 Phoca barbata # 151 KNK 991 (Rosa) Bos taurus 1290 (1280–1375) -20.48 AAR-6111 II–III # 163 KNK 991 Midden Bos taurus 1300–1375 (1295–1385) -19.61 AAR-6112 III 2451) comes from seal, while caribou account for 20% (McGovern 1985:119). Seven samples from Nipaatsoq are included in the project, all from the 1976–1977 excavations. Based on the dating of the building, the samples from the interior of the farm should belong to the late Norse period.10 An early date for one of our samples from room 4 does, however, indicate mixed layers (Table 13). The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS). The middle sized farm GUS was discovered in 1990 (Andreasen and Arneborg 1992). Unlike other known Norse ruins, no structures were visible on the surface, as they were covered by layers of sand and gravel up to 1.5 m in thickness. The layers were probably the result of increased run-off, and consequent increased sediment deposition, from the glacier Kangaasarsuup Sermia, which expanded with The Little Ice Age. Changes in the course of the stream immediately prior to the discovery of the site meant that it was being eroded and thus became visible again. Today, the area is totally dominated by a barren, sandy delta with very little vegetation. When the farm was 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 33 inhabited, however, the environment was rather different. The sandy area was probably lush pasture and perhaps there was also a lake (Schweger 1998). Today, there is no water source near the farm, in itself a clear indication that the landscape has undergone considerable changes since Norse times, because a farm could not have been established in an area without easy access to fresh water. Archaeological investigations at GUS were carried out between 1991–1996. Based on an analysis of the faunal remains (identified animal bones n = 8250), the economy of the farm relied on a combination of sheep/goat husbandry and hunting/fishing. Cattle were kept primarily for secondary production (milk), whereas sheep and goats were kept mainly for their meat (Enghoff 2003:87). During the whole period of settlement, the wild fauna shows a slight predominance compared to domesticated animals. However, through time, the exploitation of seals increased compared with caribou, and the same applies to sheep/goat compared with cattle (Enghoff 2003:89). At GUS, it was possible, for the first time in the history of Norse archaeology, to uncover a Norse farm extending from the initial settlement around 1000 to the last house on the site. During its later 14th-century phases, the farm was of the centralized type with a stable/byre with room for one or two head of cattle (Fig. 20) A total of 51 samples from GUS (including both domesticates and game animals) are included in the present study (Table 14). Four samples (#104–#107) are from the first building on the site, built around 1000. The rest are from the time after ca. 1250. Apart from samples #60, #67, #267, and #276, which were AMS-dated in connection with the present study, dates are based on earlier AMS-dates and the stratigraphic analyses of the building complex11 (Table 14). Ujarassuit (Anavik) V7. The final farm in the Western Settlement that has contributed samples to the project is the high-status farm Anavik at Ujarassuit. The farm is situated on a raised beach terrace at the head of Nuuk fjord (Fig. 4B). The region contains but few Norse sites. Apart from Anavik, three other farms have been recorded in the Ujarassuit Fjord. The church and the farmhouses lie spread over the large flat plateau where conditions for haymaking would have been excellent (Fig. 21). Today, the vegetation consists of grasses, herbs, and dense willow scrub. Seven house ruins have been recorded at the site, including one of the most well-preserved stone houses in the Western Settlement. The main investigations of the site took place in 1932 (Roussell 1941:32ff), when the church (ruin 1), stable/barn complex (ruin 3), dwelling (ruin 2), and sections of the midden in front of the house were investigated (Aa. Roussell, 1932 unpubl. report12). According to Roussell´s report, animal bones were found in the midden deposits in front of the dwelling, but these do not appear to have been taken back to Copenhagen. In 1982, new excavations were carried out at the site (Kapel 1982, unpubl. report).13 Among other things, a small trench was opened up in the churchyard in order to obtain human bones for δ13 C analysis. The arm positions of the dead date the excavated burials to the 13th–14th century and radiocarbon dated human remains from the 1982 excavations are from the 14th century (Table 15). The δ13 C analysis demonstrated that the dietary basis of the individuals investigated was predominantly marine. Ujarassuit has provided 15 samples for the project, originating from nine individual skeletons, all Figure 20. The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS) all phases 1991–1996. Greenland National Musuem and Archives, Nuuk, Greenland. 34 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Table 14. The samples from The Farm beneath the Sand (GUS). Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept(s) δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB LAB ID AU # 049 KNK 1950x1521.1 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of fireplace # 050 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 051 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of fireplace # 051.1 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Rangifer tarandus III of fireplace # 052 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 054.1 KNK 1950x1487.3 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 054.2 KNK 1950x1487.3 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 055 KNK 1950x1531 Room 1 Rangifer tarandus III # 057 KNK 1950x1432.1 Room 1 Equus caballus III # 058 KNK 1950x1432 Room 1 Bos taurus III # 060 KNK 1950x0678 Room 3 Bos taurus 619 ± 26 1317–1388 (1301–1396) -19.9 AAR-5400 III # 061 KNK 1950x0577 Strayfind Bos taurus # 062 KNK 1950x0359 Room 10, wall Ovis aries III or roof # 063 KNK 1950x0577 Strayfind Capra hircus # 064 KNK 1950x0445 Room 3 Ovis aries II–III # 065 KNK 1950x0386 Room 3 Ovis aries II–III # 066 KNK 1950x0352 Strayfind Capra hircus # 067 KNK 1950x0575 Room 1, roof ? Equus caballus 536 ± 30 1410 (1334–1425) -21.2 AAR-5401 III # 068 KNK 1950x1531 Room 1 Phoca groenlandica III # 069 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Phoca groenlandica III of fireplace # 070 KNK 1950x1487 Room 1 Phoca groenlandica III # 071 KNK 1950x1521 Room 1, in front Phoca groenlandica III of fireplace # 104 KNK 1950x2849 First long house Bos taurus I # 105 KNK 1950x3451 First long house Ovis aries I # 106 KNK 1950x3437 First long house Rangifer tarandus I # 107 KNK 1950x3072 First long house Rangifer tarandus I # 261 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Phoca vitulina # 262 KNK 1950x2712 Strayfind Phoca vitulina # 263 KNK 1950x3347 Room 28, floor Phoca groenlandica II # 264 KNK 1950x2712 Strayfind Phoca hispida # 265 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Bos taurus # 266 KNK 1950x2712 Strayfind Equus caballus # 267 KNK 1950x0575 Room 1, roof ? Equus caballus 566 ± 36 1335–1401 (1326–1413) -20.0 AAR-5405 III # 268 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Capra hircus # 269 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Capra hircus # 271 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Capra hircus # 272 KNK 1950x0712 Units R & V Capra hircus # 273 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus 785 ±30 1260 (1220–280) -19.58 AAR-4461 II # 274 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II # 275 KNK 1950x2442 Room 7:1 floor Ovis aries II # 276 KNK 1950x3259 Strayfind Ovis aries 825 ± 33 1220 (1191–1259) -16.3 AAR-5406 II # 277 KNK 1950x2744 Strayfind Ovis aries # 278 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Ovis aries # 279 KNK 1950x2713 Strayfind Ovis aries # 280 KNK 1950x2767 No information - Ovis aries not found in GUS database # 307 KNK 1950x0007 No information Equus caballus # 317 KNK 1950x0410 Room 1, wall or Vetacea sp. III roof # 318 KNK 1950x0561 Room 1 Vetacea sp. III # 319 KNK 1950x0631 Room 3, floor Vetacea sp. II–III # 431 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II # 432 KNK 1950x2943 Room 22 Capra hircus II excavated by Roussell in 1932. Unfortunately, the skeletons no longer have their original find numbers, and it is therefore not possible to correlate them with the excavation plans. Also, with the exception of the two AMS-dated skeletons, nothing can be said about the chronology of the samples (Table 16). 2012 J. Arneborg, N. Lynnerup, J. Heinemeier, J. Møhl, N. Rud, and Á.E. Sveinbjörnsdóttir 35 Figure 21. Ruin site V7, Anavik, Ujarassuit. 1) church, 2) dwelling, 3) byre/barn, 4) stable, 5) workshop/storage 6) ware house, 7) stable, 8) home-field fence, and 9) home-field fence. Map after Roussell (1932). Danish National Museum. Table 15. Radiocarbon dates on skeletons found in the churchyard in Ujarassuit in 1982. Dated by H. Tauber, Copenhagen 1982. Recalibrated 2003 by J. Heinemeier. The dating of KNK6x1121 is inexplicable. Reservoir 14C Age corrected Calibrated intercept(s) δ13C (‰) Lab ID Museum ID Species Provenance (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB AU K-4117 KNK 6x1090 Human bone Churchyard 910 ± 50 677 ± 50 1299 (1283–1323) -16.6 II–III K-4119 KNK 6x1121 Human bone Churchyard 560 ± 45 332 ± 45 1535–1618 (1499–1642) -16.7 ? K-4120 KNK 6x1091 Human bone Churchyard 890 ± 50 572 ± 50 1404 (1329–1427) -15.0 III Table 16. The samples from Anavik, Ujarassuit, V7. Reservoir Calibrated Project 14C Age corrected intercept δ13C (‰) ID Museum ID KAL ID Provenance Species (BP) 14C Age (BP*) (1 sigma range) VPDB Lab ID AU # 166 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 167 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 168 DNM A 0990x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 169 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 170 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 171 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 172 DNM C 0993x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 173 DNM D 0994x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 174 DNM U4 E 0992x01 Churchyard Human Norse 825 ± 33 592 ± 33 1394 -16.6 AAR-5403 III Marine fraction: 0.52 (1323–1407) # 175 DNM X F 1644x01 Churchyard Human Norse 959 ± 38 818 ± 38 1219 -18.5 AAR-5404 II Marine fraction: 0.29 (1186–1261) # 176 DNM G 1645x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 177 DNM B 0991x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 198 DNM H 1578x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 199 DNM H 1578x01 Churchyard Human Norse # 200 DNM I 1639x01 Churchyard Human Norse 36 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 3 Literature Cited Adam af Bremen 1978. 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Unpublished report In the National Museum of Denmark , Copenhagen, Denmark. Roussell, Aa. 1932. Unpublished report Greenland expedition 1932. In the National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark. Notes 1When the project commenced in 1998, all the human remains held at the Panum Institute were Danish property, and thanks are due to the then Museum Director Niels- Knud Liebgott of the National Museum in Copenhagen for permission to use the material from the collections. Ownership of all Greenlandic human remains was transferred to Greenland in 1999 in connection with an extensive repatriation project (1984–2001) in which museum artefacts were transferred from the Danish to the Greenland National Museum. All Greenlandic human remains are still kept at the Panum Institute in Copenhagen. 2All faunal remains mentioned are kept at the Zoological Museum in Copenhagen. We thank the Greenland National Museum and Archives, The National Museum of Denmark, and The Zoological Museum for permission to use the faunal remains from these collections for this study 3Another late-15th-century date, sample #42, from Nipaatsoq is not included here because it may derive from later Inuit presence in the area. 4A possible third church in the Western Settlement (at V23a) is not mentioned here, as information about the site is very limited. 5 A total of five samples from large whales, probably Greenland whales. 6Unpublished reports and documentation are kept in Narsaq Museum and in the Greenland National Museum and Archives. 7Our sampling was completed before the 2006–2007 excavations. 8Analyses of the animal bones by Georg Nyegaard are at the final stages (2011). The documentation from the excavation is in Qaqortoq Museum. 9Today the lake Kangerluarsunnguup Tasersua provides water for the hydroelectric plant at Buksefjorden, and the stream has dried up. 10The archaeological assessments are based on Claus Andreasen´s unpublished reports in The Greenland National Museum and Archives. 11The analysis of the farm building was carried out by Guðmundur Ólafsson, the National Museum of Iceland and Svend Erik Albrethsen, The National Cultural Heritage Agency, Copenhagen. 12Reports are kept in the National Museum of Denmark. 13Excavations were headed by Hans Kapel and Jette Arneborg. Unpublished reports in the National Museum of Denmark and in the Greenland National Museum and Archives.