A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
35
There had been some contact between
the Northern and Western Isles
of Scotland (Fig. 1) in the century
before the focus of this paper. In the
later 16th century, the enigmatic Jo
Ben related a tradition from Westray
in Orkney:
“In times past the farmers living
here, going out to fight cum hybernibus,
the Lewismen, in the vernacular,
and turning and fleeing the
invaders all perished together. One
man, nevertheless, fought more
bravely and fiercely after the others
were slain; having his hamstrings
cut, he, however, was brought to
his knees, when still engaged in the
contest.” (Barry 1805:437)
The Rev. John Armit in the 1830s,
in his description of Westray in the
New Statistical Account, shows that
a tradition about this mighty warrior
was still alive in his day. He reports
that the legless hero supported his
back against a huge rock, “to this day
called the Highlandman’s hammer, he
did no little execution about him, until,
overpowered by numbers, he was
Latter-day Vikings: Gaels in the Northern Isles in the 16th Century
Andrew Jennings*
Abstract - The Northern and Western Isles of Scotland were closely connected during the Norse period. Both were part of the
Kingdom of Norway and the Archbishopric of Nidaros, and indeed, for extensive periods, all these islands were ruled by Jarls
of Orkney, such as Sigurðr the Stout and Þorfinnr the Mighty. The situation changed with the hand-over of the Hebrides to
Scotland in the Treaty of Perth of 1266. The Hebrides were annexed to the Scottish realm, while the Northern Isles remained
Norwegian. A cultural and political wedge was driven between the island groups, and connections between the two areas become
much harder to identify in the record. However, connections there were, usually, but not always, in the form of violent
raids waged against the Northern Isles. The modern folklore of both Orkney and Shetland still contains references to raids
by Lewismen. A Lewis Scord (hill pass), where Lewis raiders were slaughtered and buried, can still be identified by locals at
Scousburgh in Shetland today. In this paper, I have taken folklore seriously as an historical source. Folklore can be problematical
as it is notoriously difficult material. It also raises justified suspicions in the minds of the critically schooled historian.
However, there is an ulterior purpose: because in this case elements of folklore can be traced back to actual, recorded events,
I wished to show that folklore should not be dismissed out of hand, especially where oral tradition is strong and other sources
in short supply. The paper provides a small demonstration of the value of folklore, but it also shows how changes in folklore
and errors in the transmission of the story can be traced through time. This paper focuses on the ramifications of a hitherto
unremarked marriage between two of the most powerful figures in 16th-century Orkney and Lewis: Lady Barbara Stewart,
widow of James Sinclair of Brecks, and Ruaraidh Mac Leod, Chief of the Sìol Torcail and Baron of Lewis. The reality of
Scottish historiography is that scholars of the Northern Isles and the Hebrides have not always been aware of the history
of each other’s islands. So perhaps it is not surprising that this marriage has effectively slipped under the historians’ radar.
However, it could provide hitherto unrecognized evidence of intimate elite contact between Northern and Western Isles in the
mid-16th century and a possible attempt to extend MacLeod Lordship to Orkney and Shetland.
Across the Sólundarhaf: Connections between Scotland and the Nordic World
Selected Papers from the Inaugural St. Magnus Conference 2011
Journal of the North Atlantic
*Centre for Nordic Studies, NAFC Marine Centre, Port Arthur, Scalloway, Shetland, ZE1 0UN; Andrew.jennings@nafc.
uhi.ac.uk.
2013 Special Volume 4:35–42
Figure 1. Places mentioned in the text.
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
36
forced with violence against the rock and slain.”
(Armit 1834–1845:122). He would have made an
ideal partner for the famous Lilliard who, before
being killed at the Battle of Ancrum in 1545, fought
upon her stumps (Groome 1882:49)!
The Rev. Armit (1834–1845:126) also adds that
after the battle on Westray, the slain:
“seem to have been collected into two spots,
the one separated from the other by a distance
of 30 or 40 yards,, where graves in each spot
are seen huddled close together, and covered
over with earth and stone. These spots are, to
this day, known by the name of the bloody
Tuacks, and it is not improbable that the one
contains the ashes of the brave who fell in
the common cause, and the other those of the
vanquished foe.”
Both the Highlandman’s Hammer and the
Bloody Tuacks still appear on the 1:25000 OS map.
Appropriately, the dialect word tuack comes from
Old Norse þúfa meaning a “mound” (Jakobsen
1928:977). It is likely that here we have the attachment
of the Lewismen tradition to a couple of early
prehistoric burial mounds (RCAHMS Canmore
2011).
The traditions from Westray must surely relate
to the historical devastation wrought on Orkney by
the forces of Alexander, Lord of the Isles and Earl of
Ross in 1460 and 1461. These were on a large scale.
They included forces from throughout the Hebrides
and probably Ireland. Alexander was arguably the
most powerful magnate in his time in Scotland,
with considerable forces. The Bishop of Orkney
described the devastating attacks thus in a letter of
June the 28th, 1461 to King Christian of Denmark:
“The foresaid caterans and men of Sodor and
Ireland and others in the foresaid month of
June entered in great numbers with their fleets
and boats in warlike manner the said earldom
of Orkney and burned your lands, towns,
houses, and buildings to the ground and most
cruelly destroyed your people of both sexes
and all ages with the sword and carried away
with them their goods, animals, plenishings,
jewels, money, and everything they could for
their own use, leaving little or nothing unless
the burnt soil of the ground empty and useless.”
(Clouston 1914:54)
This description could have been transcribed from a
monastic account of a Viking raid 500 years earlier.
Lewismen also appear in Shetlandic folklore. In
1774, the Rev. George Low paid a visit to the island
of Foula, where he collected folklore material and
rescued some invaluable fragments of the Norn language
from extinction. While he was enjoying the
hospitality of the islanders, he heard stories, similar
to those he knew from Orkney, about raids on Foula
carried out by wild Lewismen:
“Tradition says the Lewis-men in their plundering
parties thro’ the isles landed here, and
after pillaging Foula burnt the wood, lest it
should be a shelter to the natives in future
times. In Orkney we have many like traditions,
true or false is hard to determine; however,
it is certain the Western Highlanders did
often make summer trips to these isles, and
seldom returned empty handed. What further
confirms this Foula tradition is, the old people
here told me they, viz. the Lewis-men, went
thence to the Ness of Schetland where members
of them were killed, and I have the best
information from Mr. Bruce of Sumburgh,
that on his estate the sand often blows off and
discovers heaps of bones, all thrown indiscriminately
together, and to this day called
Lewis-men’s grave.” (Low 1879:103)
We can safely exonerate the Lewismen from
Foula’s deforestation. Wood burning is a folk motif
that occurs in other areas with a distinct lack of
trees or with bogs full of tree roots. For example,
Laurence Williamson of Mid Yell told how, after
the Vikings, or Danes as he called them, had settled
Fetlar, the woods were “burned by warring tribes to
hinder each other” (Johnson 1971:143).
Writing a few decades after George Low in 1822,
Samuel Hibbert provided further information about
the Lewismen:
“… the natives of Lewis gratified their animosity
by annually visiting this province for
the sake of plunder. Upon landing in Shetland,
they are said to have constructed some sort of
inclosures on the steep banks of the coast, for
the purpose of holding cattle and other plunder,
preparatory for embarkation. Two fortresses
well adapted for this purpose, appear
on the south shores of Dunrossness; but at the
Ness of Skeld, in the parish of Sandsting, there
is the vestige of an enclosure to be seen, which
is distinctly ascribed to these marauders. The
Lewismen are affirmed to have had many battles
with the Shetlanders, the last of which was
with one of the Sinclairs of Brow, who is said
to have marshalled the men of Dunrossness in
goodly array on the plains of Sumburgh, and
to have resolutely opposed the landing of the
Highlanders. A severe engagement ensued,
of which no particulars are handed down, except
it had so sanguine a character, as perhaps
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
37
to have rivalled the best got-up skirmish of
the times ... Not a Lewisman is said to have
returned, who might report the fate of his companions.
The Highlanders were rudely buried
on the Links of Sumburgh, and tumuli of sand
raised on their remains. Several of these, about
half a century ago, were removed during the
devastations of the blowing sand, when heaps
of bones were discovered thrown indiscriminately
together” (Hibbert 1931:93; Fig. 2)
Hibbert does not merely copy Low, although
he had clearly read him. Intriguingly, according to
Hibbert, Shetlanders—just like the Orcadians as
seen above—were attributing the building of archaeological
structures to the Lewismen. Again the
Lewismen have donned a folkloristic mantle. This
story is reminiscent of the tradition, which occurs
throughout Scotland, of attributing the building of
forts, brochs, and crannogs to the Danes. It is unlikely
that raiders would have had time to build an
enclosure on the Ness of Skeld to hold their stolen
cattle, although they might have used a pre-existing
one. Hibbert also reports that the last battle was with
a Sinclair of Brow and it is here, as we will see, that
we leave folklore and enter history.
It must also be clear that one feature the Shetland
and Orkney traditions have in common, perhaps not
surprisingly, is that, in these affrays, victory always
goes to the Northern Islanders and the Westerners
are justly slaughtered. Of course, it is possible there
were occasions when this occurred; however, the
earliest extant version of the tradition surrounding
the Sumburgh affair records completely the opposite
outcome. This earlier account was discovered
by pioneering Shetland antiquary Gilbert Goudie in
a curious manuscript in the Advocate’s Library in
Edinburgh, which he published in an article in the
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland
in 1890 (Goudie 1890–1891:34–35). The manuscript
was a description of the parish of Dunrossness by the
Rev. James Kay, Minister there from 1682 to 1716.
Kay evidently had access to a great deal more detail
about the affair than survived a century later, when
Hibbert was collecting his material, and clearly Hibbert
did not have access to Kay’s manuscript. According
to the Rev. Kay:
"I can hear of no Battels fought in this place
[Dunrossness]; only here (as in other places)
they have not wanted Feuds, which have occasioned
some skirmishes. One in the reign of
Queen Mary between Oliver Sinclair of Brow
in this parish and Hutchen of the Lews, the occasion
whereof was this. William of the Lews
having married an Heretrix in this Countrey,
Oliver Sinclair being Fowd or Governor of
the Country, feared lest William of the Lews,
being a great man, should possibly have opposed
him; therefore he concluded to make
him away, to which he was not a little instigated
by his wife. And because he could not
avowedly effectuate his murderous design,
he resolves at length upon this expedient,
that he would go, and, in show of friendship,
visit him, which done, under pretext of intimate
Comradship, he would exchange pages
with him. In the meantime he had conduced
his page, thus exchanged, to kill him, which
he did that same night. In revenge of whose
death Hutchen of the Lews, brother to the
deceased William, made several inroads into
this Country; but his
people here having
advertisement given
them by some of the
inhabitants of the
Fair Isle whom they
had conduced to
that purpose, for the
first two attempts
he prevailed not.
But the third time
he overtook the Fair
Isle boat before she
landed and put the
boatmen to the edge
of the sword. Which
done, he landed at
Gairth Banks without
opposition, and
made a great slaughter,
especially about
Figure 2. Quendale Beach, Dunrossness.
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
38
Quendale, a quarter of a mile from Brow,
where in one morning fell above sixty souls.
But Oliver himself fled to Soumburghhead,
where being hotly pursued he leapt over,
but eventually falling upon a bit of green in
the clift of a rock, he escaped without more
prejudice but the loss of an eye, and Hutchen
is by Queen Mary commanded back."
It is unclear where the Rev. Kay got his material,
but it makes fascinating reading, with all the
elements of a short Icelandic þáttr—jealousy, problematic
females, murder most foul, revenge, and
violence. Unfortunately, the Shetlanders seem to
have been worsted in the skirmish. Goudie felt that
the story was likely to “approximate to accuracy”,
although it was not corroborated by any records that
he was aware of.
Goudie’s instincts were correct because documents
have subsequently been published which support
them. These documents, although lacking some
details, corroborate Kay’s story. They show that
there was a William of Lewis who was murdered in
Shetland by the Foud (Governor) Olaf Sinclair and
that a certain Hugh carried out attacks on Shetland,
leading to the death of Olaf’s son.
On 20 November 1544, a respite, or postponement
of sentence, was issued at Stirling to Olaf Sinclair and
five others, including his son Henry, and his uncles
Magnus and Laurence, for the slaughter of William
Lowis and his three servants in the previous year:
“respite to Olaif Sinclare in Yetland, Henry
Sinclare there, Maunis Sinclare there, Laurence
Sinclare there, Henry Mowat there ,and
David Sinclare there, for the slauchter of William
Lowis and his three servants, committed
in Yetland.” (Ballantyne and Smith 1999:53)
This reprieve was followed by a further three respites,
including one in 1564, where Olaf is given
respite for:
“the slaughter of William Lewis, William
Makmaister, Nichol Donaldsoun and their
complices, killed under silence of night in
Yetland in June or thereabouts 1543, and
for fireraising against them in manner of
hamesucken of old enmity and forethought
felony.” (Ballantyne and Smith 1999:53)
Hamesucken means the invasion of a person in his
dwelling house (DSL 2012). It appears that these Lewismen,
perhaps asleep, were attacked in their house at
night, and that the house was burned. They appear to
have been domiciled in Shetland. Unfortunately for
them, they had powerful enemies. Their murderers
were amongst the most powerful men in Shetland,
Olaf Sinclair, and his two uncles Magnus and Laurence
Sinclair of Houss in Burra. Such illegal violence
seems to be out of character for Olaf. To have acted in
this way, he must have felt severely threatened.
There are many details missing about this affair:
for example, what were the Lewismen doing staying
in a house in Shetland, where did the murder take
place, and who exactly was William Lewis? It is
likely that the murder was committed in the south of
Shetland since the reprisals seem to have occurred
there. The heart of Olaf Sinclair’s estates were in
South Havera, where there is the place-name Sinclair’s
Stove, and Brow in Dunrossness, which has
disappeared beneath the sands. Houss in Burra is
also in the south.
The Rev. Kay relates that William’s brother was
Hutchen of the Lewis, and that he attacked Shetland
in revenge for his brother’s murder. Ballantyne and
Smith (1999:71) have identified Hutchen with the
Hugh Breif who received a remission in 1556 for
earlier violent activities in the Northern Isles and
elsewhere. Hugh and Hutchen are both anglicized
versions of the Gaelic name Uisdean, itself a form
of the Old Norse name Eysteinn. He is not described
as William’s brother in the document, but there is no
reason to doubt that this was the case. Hugh’s activities
are described thus:
“Remission to Hugh Breif in Trouternes, for
the burning and destruction of corn houses
and goods within the bounds of Yeitland,
Orknay or other parts of the kingdom; and for
the slaughter of the deceased Henry Sinclare,
son of Ola Sinclare, ‘lie fowde’ of Yeitland;
and for all other treasons, homicides, depredations,
rapine, and spoliation committed by
him.” (Ballantyne and Smith 1999:71)
Henry Sinclair had been one of the slaughterers of
William Lewis, so revenge could have been a motive.
Presumably, the slaughter of 60 souls at Quendale
was one of the “depredations”. However, there
is likely to have been more to the affair.
Hugh was a fascinating figure and is known
from other sources. He was the chief of Clan Morrison
and the hereditary breitheamh or lawman of
the Sìol Torcail Lordship of Lewis, which encompassed
both sides of the north Minch basin (Fig. 3;
Thomas 1876–1878:506). He had a checkered
relationship with the powerful chief of Sìol Torcail,
Ruairidh MacLeod, having confessed on his
deathbed in 1566 to having adulterously fathered
Torquil Connonach on Ruairidh’s first wife, or, as
his confession says “having carnale copulation with
her” (Thomas 1876–1878:512). Accusations of this
affair led to Ruairidh repudiating his first wife, who
then departed to live with his nephew. In 1541, he
subsequently married Barbara Stewart, one of the
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
39
leading figures in Orkney and Shetland, creating
a specific, elite connection between the Northern
and Western Isles, which is the crux of this story.
Ambitious Gaelic chiefs desired to take wives who
furthered their political ambitions. It is not coincidental
that in 1543, two years after this marriage,
which created a clear connection between Northern
and Western Isles, Lewismen were murdered in
Shetland. The Lewismen are likely to have been
there at Barbara and Ruairidh’s behest, pursuing
their claims to the skat (tax) of Shetland. William
and servants were probably staying on one of their
Shetland estates.
Barbara Stewart was the sister-in-law of Margaret
Tudor, the mother of James V of Scotland, and a
powerful heretrix, having been married to the very
independent-minded James Sinclair of Brecks. He
had been the most domineering and energetic figure
in both Orkney and Shetland from the 1520s until
his death in 1536. He was criticized in a complaint
sent by his cousin William, Lord Sinclair, to King
and Lords of Council for acting, “as he war ane king
in thai parties” (Ballantyne and Smith 1999:38).
His brother was Edward Sinclair of Strom, Foud of
Shetland in the 1530s.
In 1535, Barbara, along with her husband
James, had been given a feu charter by King
James V, the first such in Orkney, to the islands
of Sanday and Stronsay, and the holms of Auskerry,
Papa Stronsay, and Rymstay, which might
be North Ronaldsay (Clouston 1914:219–220).
In 1539, she received a grant in her own name to
her dead husband’s estate (Livingstone 1966). Her
Orcadian lands were extensive, and she added to
them throughout her life. In 1550, she gained a 19-
year lease to Burray, Flotta, and Swona (Clouston
1914:243), giving her control of most of the islands
on the eastern side of Orkney.
Barbara had interests in Shetland, in which she
followed her husband. James Sinclair of Brecks
believed he had the right to collect rents from the extensive
Shetland estate of his great uncle, the late Sir
David Sinclair of Sumburgh. Thomson has suggested
that James and his brother Edward completely
laid waste the islands in 1524 in reprisal for Margaret
Hepburn, Lady Sinclair (widow of James’ uncle,
the late lord Henry Sinclair and another powerful
heretrix) having obtained Sir David’s estate as a gift
of bastardy from the Crown (Thomson 1987:136).
Despite, or perhaps because of, his violent ways,
James Sinclair was officially installed in 1535 as the
tacksman, or lessee, for the Earldom, allowing him
to collect the rents and skat from Shetland, as well
as Orkney. After his death, Barbara Stewart seems
to have tried to continue the tradition, although the
tack and the right to collect the dues had returned
to Margaret Hepburn,
Lady Sinclair.
In 1537, Barbara
and 12 others were ordered
to appear before
the Council:
“for art and part the
stouthrief (theft carried
out with force)
and detention from
Margaret, Lady Sinclare,
of her rents of
her lands and lordship
of Scheitland,
and for art and part
of stouthrief from the
tenants and inhabitants
of the lordships
of Scheitland
and Orknay.” (Ballantyne
and Smith
1999:40).
Thomson has pointed
out that the commodities
recorded—marts,
hides, swine, sheep,
Figure 3. The Maritime locus of the Sìol Torcail. meal, butter, oil and
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
40
the Isles, acquired the extensive lands of Garmoran
in 1346 and Ross in 1436 in the same way (Grant
1988:129). The Sìol Torcail were also no strangers
to acquiring territory through marriage to an heiress.
According to genealogical tradition, the MacLeods
had acquired Lewis itself through marriage to a
Nicolson heiress (Sellar 1997–1998).
The couple remained married until Barbara’s
death. They had a son, Torcail Oighre (Torquil the
Heir), who would have become Chief of the Sìol
Torcail if he had not drowned in the Minch in 1566,
causing the struggles that ultimately led to the extirpation
of the Lewis MacLeods.
I would suggest that Olaf Sinclair and others
would have felt threatened by this marriage. Barbara
now had the support of Ruaraidh in pursuing her
claims to the skat and the tack. One can imagine that
for Olaf, the fact that Barbara, as relict of Sir James
of Brecks, was imposing herself upon Shetland was
bad enough, but any involvement of the warlike Gael
Ruairidh MacLeod and his henchmen would have
been a step too far. Of course, the Shetlanders would
not know, and would not have cared in the least,
that the MacLeods claimed to share the same Norse
ethnic origin as themselves. According to the 17th
century genealogy written by Duald Mac Firbis, the
eponymous Leod was supposedly descended from
“Helga of the beautiful hair, daughter of Harald,
son of Ivar the Old, king of Norway” (Matheson
1981:78)
If we view the presence of William Lewis in
Shetland as a consequence of Barbara and Ruairidh’s
attempts to support their ambitions there, it is hard
not to see Hugh’s activities, perhaps in his role as
breitheamh (law man) of the Sìol Torcail Lordship,
as a chastizing reprisal on the Shetlanders for trying
to thwart these very ambitions. From the Gaelic
perspective, the breitheamh was expected to enforce
the chief’s rights. Despite cuckolding Ruairidh, he
and Hugh were associated at the time. On 23 July
1551, Patrick Davidson was paid £10 by the king's
treasurer to go to Lewis to charge “M’Cleude of
the Lewis and Hucheon of the Lewis to come to
my Lord Governor [Arran] at the aireat Inverness.”
(Thomas 1876–1878:511) It was as a result of his
non-appearance that the Letters of Fire and Sword
were issued against Ruairidh, meaning that both
these instruments could be used against him.
The extensive nature of Barbara’s and Ruairidh’s
ambitions in the Northern Isles is probably corroborated
by this report on 30 July 1550 from the Dutchman
M. d’Eecke to Queen Mary, Governor of the
Netherlands contained in the Spanish State papers:
“Madam: We have been informed from
Flushing that the wild Irish have taken from
the Scots the islands of Farahil and Hetland,
malt—make it clear they were collecting the skat and
rents of Shetland (Thomson 1987:140). Barbara was
clearly disputing the loss of the tack by collecting the
skat. She was upholding her rights as she saw them.
Lady Barbara Stewart, relict of James Sinclair of
Brecks, was an extremely formidable woman.
In 1541, she became the second wife of Ruairidh
MacLeod, a man perhaps even more independentminded
and intractable than her previous husband.
Although he was a peculiar catch, who was famous
for his adulterous behavior, they made a formidably
powerful team.
Barbara may have met him while he was being
transported to Edinburgh as a prisoner. He, along
with many other Hebridean chieftains, had been taken
into custody by James V in 1540, and was being
conveyed by sea along the north coast to the capital.
He had been involved in the ill-fated insurrection
against the Crown in 1539, which ended with the
death of Donald Gorm MacDonald of Sleat at Eilean
Donan Castle in Kintail.
Ruairidh was one of the most powerful men in the
Hebrides: as chief of the Sìol Torcail, he effectively
controlled the entire north Minch basin. In addition to
Lewis, he controlled the lands of Waternish on Skye,
Assynt, Eddrachillis, Coigach, and Gairloch on the
western littoral. His marriage to Barbara must have
found favor with King James because, on its taking
place, his lands were erected into the free barony of
Lewis (Roberts 1999:131). However, this did not stop
Ruairidh taking part in the next big rebellion in the
Hebrides in 1544, the year after the killing of William
of Lewis in Shetland, when the tragic Donald Dubh,
who, freed after 37 years in captivity, attempted to
re-establish the Lordship of Isles. Ruairidh attended
the Council of the Isles on 28 July 1545, one of the
purposes of which was to appoint commissioners to
treat with Henry VIII, the brother of Barbara’s sisterin-
law, on behalf of Donald Dubh. Ruairidh was later
pardoned for this act of treason. However, this did
not stop him from continuing to act independently.
Letters of Fire and Sword were issued in 1554 for his
utter extermination, after he refused to attend a Parliament
at Inverness.
Barbara must have seen in Ruairidh a powerful,
warlike man who could help her maintain her position
in the Northern Isles. MacCoinnich (2007:23)
shows he must have had a large retinue of 1300
men, as well as numerous war galleys. He was a
worthy replacement for James Sinclair of Brecks.
For Ruairidh, there was Barbara’s estate of Sanday
and Stronsay, and, of course, the tack of Orkney
and Shetland. As James Sinclair had no male heirs,
Ruairidh, through marriage to Barbara, became the
effective owner of these Orkney islands. Heiresses
could transmit territory. The MacDonald, Lord of
A. Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
41
tories, perhaps as a subsidiary lordship? The answer
surely lies both in the manifest opposition mounted
in Shetland by Olaf Sinclair and in the political situation
in later 16thcentury Lewis. After the death of
Ruairidh and Barbara’s son Torquil Oighre, there
was civil war, and the island descended into complete
chaos. Ruairidh found himself imprisoned in
Stornoway castle by Torquil Connonach on a couple
of occasions, once for a period of 4 years. The
MacLeods were ultimately too involved in fighting
over who should rule Lewis to think about Orkney
and Shetland. In addition, at some point between
1566 and 1570, Barbara Stewart must have died,
because Ruairidh married for a third time. However,
if the ill-fated Torquil Oighre had not drowned in
1566, he would have inherited lands in Lewis and
the Northern Isles, and close connections would
have been maintained between Scotland’s Gaelic
and Norse archipelagos. One might even have seen
the permanent settlement of some Gaelic speaking
Lewismen in Shetland. However, this was not to be.
Literature Cited
Armit, J. 1834–1845. Parish of Westray. Pp. 114–132,
In the New Statistical Account of 1834–1845 vol.15.
William Blackwood and Sons Publishers, Edinburgh
and London, UK. Available online at http://stat-accscot.
edina.ac.uk/link/1834-45/Orkney/Westray/. Accessed
26 October 2011.
Ballantyne, J.H., and B. Smith. (Eds.). 1999. Shetland
Documents 1195–1579. Shetland Islands Council and
The Shetland Times Ltd Publishers, Lerwick, UK.
359 pp.
Barry, G. 1805. History of the Orkney Islands. Archibald
Constable and Company Publishers, Edinburgh, UK.
509 pp.
Clouston, J. (Ed.). 1914. Records of the Earldom of Orkney
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(fn. 7) and are practising piracy in those
regions. They have already taken several
herring-boats from this country, and we have
since heard that the Scots are arming some
ships, which will also harm our fishermen
unless your Majesty's men-of-war see to it. It
may well be that the Scots and Irish will join
forces, for they are almost one people, and
the inhabitants of the Hebrides and Orcades,
though subjects of the crown of Scotland,
often rebel and prey upon all comers.” (Tyler
1914: 135–149)
Despite neither Barbara nor Ruairidh being mentioned
by name, I would suggest they were involved.
Gaels were often referred to as Irish, reflecting their
cultural and linguistic identity. It is possible that
they had seized Fair Isle, adding it to their territories.
Barbara may have had some claim to the island, but,
Ruairidh was perfectly capable of taking it as swordland.
After all, he held the Hebridean island of Raasay,
from the Bishop of the Isles, by the sword (Mac-
Coinnich 2007:19). The report also supplies a likely
reason why they would have wanted to hold Fair
Isle. Any fishing boats sailing between Orkney and
Shetland would have to run the gauntlet. The men of
Lewis were no strangers to piracy. Low’s account of
attacks on Foula should be taken into account here
too. Control of Foula would have increased their effectiveness;
perhaps there was a desire to control the
fishing. MacCoinnich (2007:24) has argued that the
Sìol Torcail controlled the fishing in the North Minch
Basin; perhaps a similar process was at work here.
It may also have been Ruairidh behind the attacks
on Westray and Papa Westray, islands which
did not belong to Barbara, recorded in the Books
of Assumption, which list, for the newly reformed
kirk, the income of church properties in Scotland
in the first half of the 1560s. Here, it claims that the
lands of the Orkney bishopric in Westray and Papa
Westray “is lyand waist in hieland menis punisoun
this last year” (Kirk 1995: 655) and further, that the
parsonage of Westray Cross Kirk “is wastit be the
Lewis men.” (Kirk 1995:666)
Perhaps Ruaraidh was still considered a threat in
1576, when Robert Cheyne, in his grant of the island
of Vaila, was required according to the Register of
the Privy Seal:
“to big ane hous and fortrice upoun the said
islandis of Valay for sauftie thairof fra the
heland men, perattis and utheris invasionis.”
(Donaldson 1958:78)
If Ruairidh MacLeod’s ambitions were as extensive
as I have suggested in the Northern Isles, why
did Sanday, Stronsay, and perhaps lands in Shetland
not become permanent additions to MacLeod terriA.
Jennings
2013 Journal of the North Atlantic Special Volume 4
42
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House / Her Majesty’s Stationary Office Publishers,
Edinburgh, UK.
Low, G. 1879. A Tour through the Islands of Orkney and
Schetland. William Peace and Son Publishers, Kirkwall,
UK. 223 pp.
MacCoinnich, A. 2007. Sìol Torcail and their lordship
in the sixteenth century. Pp. 7–32, In Crossing the
Minch: Exploring the Links Between Skye and the
Outer Hebrides. The Island Book Trust Publishers,
Isle of Skye, UK. Available online at http://eprints.
gla.ac.uk/4622/1/MacCoinnichMinchChapter.pdf. Accessed
23 October 2011
Matheson, W. 1981. The Ancestry of the MacLeods.
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness
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of the Highland Clans 1475–1625. Edinburgh
University Press Publishers, Edinburgh, UK. 240 pp.
Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments
of Scotland (RCAHMS) Canmore. 2011.
Westray, the Bloody Tuacks. Available online at
http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/2793/details/
westray+the+bloody+tuacks/. Accessed 3 August
2012
Sellar, W.D. 1997–1998. The ancestry of the MacLeods
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aspx?compid=88408. Accessed 26 October 2011.