Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
29
Introduction
Background
Historical sources (e.g., Íslendingabók) record
that settlers from Iceland, led by Erik the Red, arrived
in southern Greenland around AD 985 (Benediktsson
1986) and founded the Eastern Settlement.
The colony is known to have endured until at least
AD 1408 when a marriage ceremony is recorded at
the church in Hvalsey Fjord. This wedding constitutes
the last historical reference to the settlements,
although the colony is presumed to have survived
into the mid-15th century (Seaver 2010). From the
late 19th century and into the 21st century, archaeologists
have documented the remains of the Eastern
Settlement (e.g., Bruun 1896, Guldager et al. 2002),
including the excavation of a number of farm and
church ruins (e.g., Nörlund 1930; Nörlund and Stenberger
1934; Vebæk 1991, 1992). More recently,
environmental archaeology and interdisciplinary
collaborations have generated a wealth of zooarchaeological
data (e.g., McGovern 1985). Much of
these data point to a gradual impoverishment of the
colony and a shift away in subsistence from pastoral
agriculture towards the hunting of marine mammals
(Arneborg et al. 2012, McGovern 1985), leading to
the Norse Greenlanders apparently straddling an
increasingly precarious line between survival and
failure (Dugmore et al. 2012).
Recent years have also witnessed a burgeoning
interest in the palaeovegetational history of southern
Greenland around the time of Norse settlement.
Much of this work has been connected with two
multidisciplinary projects funded by the Leverhulme
Trust (Edwards et al. 2004, 2009) that have sought
to understand how the Norse impacted on their
environment. To date, this effort has yielded six
new high-resolution local pollen records from organic
contexts located adjacent to Norse ruin groups
(Buckland et al. 2009; Edwards et al. 2008, 2011b;
Golding et al. 2011; Ledger et al., in press; Schofield
and Edwards 2011; Schofield et al. 2008, 2013). In
addition, a multiple-proxy study from Lake Igaliku
provides information on regional vegetation change
(Gauthier et al. 2010), soil erosion (Massa et al.
2012a), and the biological impact of Norse landnám
on the lake (Perren et al. 2012). These studies build
on earlier palynological research undertaken by
Fredskild (1973, 1978) around Qassiarsuk. Despite
this research, the spatial coverage of such work
across the former Eastern Settlement remains un-
Vatnahverfi: A Green and Pleasant land? Palaeoecological
Reconstructions of Environmental and Land-use Change
Paul M. Ledger1,*, Kevin J. Edwards1,2,3, and J. Edward Schofield1
Abstract - Accounts describing the Vatnahverfi region of Greenland are almost always effusive in their praise for the rich
and bountiful nature of the landscape. Whether it was the dense scrub and woodlands, or the freshwater lakes and fertile
green pastures, this landscape—contrary to elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement—is frequently assumed to have been an
excellent location for Norse pastoral farming. Nevertheless, these observations are merely anecdotal in nature and based
on the perceptions of archaeologists, or others who have visited the region. This paper asks whether Vatnahverfi was really
the green and pleasant land that the literature would suggest, while exploring the rationale behind settlement in this region.
Pollen-analytical data and associated proxies are deployed here in an attempt to assess whether the pre-landnám landscape
was an attractive location for settlement, and to investigate vegetation and land-use changes consequent upon settlement.
Pollen analysis allows an assessment of the natural capital of the pre-landnám (initial settlement) environment, which suggests
that the central valley of northwest Vatnahverfi supported substantial Betula-Salix scrub or low woodland prior to
landnám. The presence of woodland at landnám indicates the availability of a key resource (for fuel, building materials, or
as fodder for livestock), and a cluster of early landnám-era dates have been returned on pollen sequences from farms in the
center of Vatnahverfi. Data from pollen influx and coprophilous fungal spores associated with grazing animals also point
towards this landscape having been particularly suitable for pastoralism. Poaceae (grass) pollen influx values, for instance,
are often double those of farms in the Qassiarsuk region, suggesting higher hay yields with the potential to support larger
numbers of domesticates. Radiocarbon age-depth modelling of pollen sequences suggests that abandonment of farms in the
region may have begun from the mid-13th century AD, culminating in the 14th century.
In The Footsteeps of Vebæk—Vatnahverfi Studies 2005-2011
Journal of the North Atlantic
1Department of Geography and Environment, University of Aberdeen, Elphinstone Road, Aberdeen AB24 3UF, UK. 2Department
of Archaeology, School of Geosciences, University of Aberdeen, Elphinstone Road, Aberdeen AB24 3UF, UK. 3St.
Catherine’s College, University of Oxford, Manor Road, Oxford OX1 3UJ, UK. *Corresponding author - paul.m.ledger@
gmail.com.
2014 Special Volume 6:29–46
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2014 Special Volume 6
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Figure 1. (A) Location of the Norse Eastern Settlement in Greenland, (B) locations of sites in the Eastern Settlement of
Greenland for which palynological data are currently available (excludes this study), and (C) locations of sites within
Vatnahverfi that are featured or discussed in the text. The line between Atikilleq and the Mountain Farm represents the
transect shown in Figure 5.
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2014 Special Volume 6
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even (Fig. 1).
This paper expands palaeovegetational coverage
to a series of new sites in Vatnahverfi (Ledger
2013)—a region represented hitherto by only summary
palynological data (Fredskild 1992). With the
aim of exploring the rationale behind and dynamics
of settlement in this region, this paper uses palaeoecological
data to reconstruct the pre-colonization
landscape and changes consequent upon settlement,
while using radiocarbon age-depth modelling to date
Scandinavian human arrivals and the abandonment
of this part of the Eastern Settlement.
Vatnahverfi
Vatnahverfi, where there are a large number of
farms located up to 4–6 km inland from the fjords—
in direct contrast to more typical fjord-site settings
of farms—is in many ways unique. Moreover, the
landscape has frequently been viewed as rich and
fertile when compared with other parts of the Eastern
Settlement. Following his excavations in the
region in 1948, Christian Vebæk (1992:8, 5, 108) observed
that, “The vegetation is very rich. Large areas
are covered with good grass and much willow-scrub
… Vatnahverfi was—and still is—an attractive area
for sheep farming, and to some extent agriculture
too”, and went on to propose that, “Vatnahverfi was
a rather rich part of the country with good conditions
for Norse farmers”. Helge Ingstad (1966:243–247)
recorded, “... a rich landscape of lakes and rivers ...
a countryside lush in many places, rich in grass …
the people of Vatnahverfi must have done well ... the
land offers good pasture”. More recently, Kirsten
Seaver (2010:23) referred to, “the fertile inland region
of Vatnahverfi”. Thus, in general, Vatnahverfi
is reported as a lush and fertile region with apparently
rich grasslands and luxuriant scrub that may
on occasion reach up to 2 m in height (Fig. 2). The
previously published palaeovegetational data accord
with these observations. Extensive scrub coverage is
indicated prior to landnám (initial settlement), with
Betula pollen (both tree and dwarf birch varieties)
comprising approximately 35–40% of the total land
pollen (TLP) at Fredskild’s (1992) site of “Søndre
Igaliku” (2 km from the settlement of Igaliku Kujalleq).
However, care is needed in the interpretation
of these results, as this is a large lake (325 m x
175 m) collecting pollen from predominately extralocal
and regional sources (sensu Jacobsen and
Bradshaw 1981).
Evidence from archaeology
Evidence to support suggestions of an attractive
landscape for Norse settlers is present in the archaeological
finds of the region. Excavation has been
undertaken at seven farms (Fig. 1C), many of which
have produced interesting structures and artifacts.
Large ovens or stoves, interpreted as either bath
stoves or drying kilns for grain, were found at four
of the farms: Ø64a, Ø64c, Ø71, and Ø167 (Vebæk
1943, 1992). To date, the only similar finds within
Greenland come from the Western Settlement, at
Sandnes (V51; Roussell 1936) and at V52a and
V53d in the Austmannadal valley (Roussell 1941).
The concentration of these structures at farms in the
Vatnahverfi region is therefore unique in the Eastern
settlement. Generally the stoves are large (approximately
1.5 x 0.9 x 0.8 m) and the fuel requirements
for them would no doubt have been substantial,
perhaps indicating that the people of Vatnahverfi had
access to reliable and abundant supplies of fuel (cf.
Trbojević et al. 2011). In fact, Krogh (1967:87–88)
speculates that “a big wood belonging to the Cathedral”
(Garðar), mentioned in Ivar Bardarson’s
Description of Greenland, lay in the Vatnahverfi
region in the vicinity of Undir Höfdi (Ø66). Indirect
Figure 2. Examples of contemporary birch-willow thickets in Vatnahverfi (photographs by P.M. Ledger, July 2010).
Journal of the North Atlantic
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2014 Special Volume 6
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evidence for extensive wood resources (as fuel) is
present in the form of finds of iron slag and semimanufactured
iron bars that were unearthed at four
of the farms in the region (Vebæk 1943, 1992). Finds
of this kind are not common in Norse Greenland
(Nörlund and Stenberger 1934), and their discovery
in over half the farms excavated in Vatnahverfi may
indicate that iron working or smelting was occurring
locally; it remains possible, of course, that such materials
were imported from Norway or elsewhere in
Europe (Buchwald 2001, Vebæk 1992).
Additional evidence for Vatnahverfi being a
desirable place for settlement comes in the form
of millstones found at Undir Höfdi (Ø66 at Igaliku
Kujalleq; Nørlund 1930) and Ø64a (Vebæk 1943),
presumably intended for the grinding of grain. The
common perception is that the climate of Greenland
made the cultivation of cereals unviable (Barlow et
al. 1997). However, the Kings Mirror, a Norwegian
manuscript dating to the early 13th century, records
that some of the wealthiest Greenlanders at least attempted
to grow grain (Larsen 1917); something that
may yet be substantiated following the recent finds
of charred barley (Hordeum) remains in the earliest
layers of a midden at Ø35 in the Qorlortop valley
(Henriksen 2012), which may be set beside the finds
of Hordeum-type pollen at, for instance, Tasiusaq
(Edwards et al. 2008) (and see below). It therefore
does not seem unreasonable, given the finds of millstones
and potential grain-drying ovens, that there
may have been attempts at arable agriculture in the
Vatnahverfi region.
Marginality
Conversely, there are indications that Vatnahverfi
may have been a more marginal area for Norse
settlement. Soil erosion, a commonly cited problem
in Norse Greenland (e.g., Massa et al. 2012a) and
more widely in the North Atlantic region (Dugmore
et al. 2005), is suggested to have been particularly
severe in this region. Such views can be traced to
the early archaeological work of Vebæk (1943), who
discovered that ruin group Ø64c (Fig. 1C), in the
northeast of Vatnahverfi, had been buried under 4 m
of sand, a phenomenon which he linked at that time
to poor Norse agricultural practices. Examination of
soils in the region by Jacobsen (1987:503) led him
to conclude that “a close relation exists between the
land use of the Norsemen in the Vatnaverfi area and
the establishment of rather extensive areas of soil
erosion” (sic.). Observation of enhanced mineral
magnetic signatures, which are often accepted as
representing soil erosion, only serve to reinforce
this picture over the settlement period at Søndre Igaliku
(Sandgren and Fredskild 1992). Furthermore,
a study of sheep dentition following excavation at
Ø71 revealed striated microwear patterns indicative
of sand ingestion, suggesting that overgrazing and
related soil erosion may have been widespread from
as early as the 11th–12th centuries AD (Mainland
2006). All of these studies point towards a Norse
role in destabilizing a fragile landscape. This interpretation
has, however, been disputed by Kuijpers
and Mikkelsen (2009), who argued that the observed
erosion can be linked to increased wind strength
both prior to and during the Norse period.
Further hints of marginality are present in the
striking find of unburied human remains in the corridor
of a large building at Abel’s Farm (ruin group
Ø167; see Fig. 1), which Vebæk (1992) interpreted
speculatively as the last resident of the farm, and
perhaps the entire region. Radiocarbon dating of
this individual (710 ± 50 BP; K-5889) implies the
abandonment of this farm occurred between AD
1220–1390 (2σ range; calibration performed using
Calib 6.0 and the INTCAL09 curve of Reimer et
al. [2009]) and therefore possibly over a century
earlier than the remainder of the Eastern Settlement
(Vebæk 1992). Of further interest is the δ13C value
of -19.1‰ for this individual, suggesting a terrestrial
diet without an evidently major marine component
(cf. Arneborg et al. 1999, 2012; McGovern 1985).
Objectives and research questions
There appear then to be arguments for Vatnahverfi
having been both a desirable region for early Norse
settlement, or not so. This paper seeks to examine
which, if either, of these arguments can be validated
using palynological data. Exploration of this question
proceeds along four main avenues of enquiry:
• The pre-landnám environmental baseline; is
there evidence for extensive woodland resources
in the Vatnahverfi region, a factor that might
encourage settlement across this region?
• The timing of landnám; how do the dates for the
establishment of individual farms in Vatnahverfi
compare with the AD 985 landnám? Early
settlement dates may be indicative of the region
being very attractive for colonization.
• The cultural landscape; is there evidence for
extensive hay fields, high stocking densities, or
arable agriculture?
• Timing of abandonment; what is the timing of the
abandonment of individual farms, and is there
any evidence for declining viability of farming
following the widely inferred shift from terrestrial
to marine food sources towards the end of
the settlement period?
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
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Methods
Study locations
Peat and soil profiles were examined from six
locations (Fig. 1C). The majority of these sequences
are from mires or other small depositional environments
<100 m from a Norse ruin group (summarized
in Table 1), providing highly localized records
of vegetational and environmental change at the
targeted Norse farms (cf. Jacobsen and Bradshaw
1981). Only two of the sequences are more distant
from Norse ruins. Nimerialik (Ø196) is ≈400 m from
the nearest ruins, as suitable material was otherwise
unavailable. Lake Vatnahverfi (authors’ name) was
sampled beyond the vicinity of a Norse ruin group
(see Table 1) in order to obtain a record of vegetational
and landscape change in areas outside of the
direct influence of Norse agricultural practices.
Pollen analysis
Small samples, typically 1 cm3, were prepared
for pollen analysis using standard NaOH, acetolysis,
and flotation procedures (Moore et al. 1991,
Nakagawa et al. 1998). Lycopodium tablets were
added to each sample to allow the calculation of
absolute pollen concentrations (Stockmarr 1971).
Samples were suspended in silicone oil, mounted
on slides, and examined using a Nikon E600 light
microscope at 400x magnification, and then pollen
grains were counted until a sum in excess of 500
TLP (total land pollen—the sum of pollen from
trees, shrubs, and herbs, and excluding aquatics)
Table 1. Details of the pollen core sites in Vatnahverfi featured in this paper.
Distance
to nearest
Site name and Depositional context known Loss-on- Elevation Latitude,
ruin group # and sedimentary basin ruins (m) Simplified lithology ignition (m asl) longitude
Atikilleq (Ø65) Samples derived from an 25 Sandy soil with bone and ≈10–20% 10 60°51.831'N,
eroding anthrosol/midden charcoal 45°26.138'W
deposit adjacent to Igaliku
Fjord.
The Mountain Farm (Ø70) Core from a Sphagnum- 55 Sandy moderately humified ≈25–40% 260 60°50.762'N,
Cyperaceae mire measuring peat 45°17.478'W
approximately 110 x 46 m
which surrounds two lakes
with no inflowing streams.
Topography steeply rises
around the basin.
Saqqaa (Ø71) Core taken from an area of 60 Gyttja and moderately ≈25–50% 25 60°50.888'N,
a Carex rostrata reed swamp humified peat 45°21.973'W
measuring approximately 40
x 95 m located ≈10 m from a
small stream. Surrounding
topography is undulating.
Saqqaata Tasia (Ø71a) Core from a Cyperaceae 90 Gyttja ≈13–23% 30 60°50.716'N,
mire surface at the margin 45°24.388'W
of Lake Saqqaata Tasia, which
measures approximately 250 x
100 m and has a single small
inflowing stream. The
surrounding topography is
typically undulating.
Nimerialik (Ø196) Core from a Sphagnum mire 400 Slightly sandy moderately ≈30–70% 5 60°46.115'N,
dissected by a small stream to well humified peat 45°34.961'W
which flows into an
approximately 300- x 200-m
lake ≈50 m to the west of the
sampling location. Immediate
topography is undulating.
Lake Vatnahverfi Core from a Sphagnum 1500 Slightly sand fibrous peat ≈20–60% 25 60°50.188'N,
girgensohnii-Eriophorum to humified peat 45°25.662'W
angustifolium mire at the
margin of Lake Vatnahverfi,
which measures approximately
250 x 320 m. The lake has two
inflowing streams and the
surrounding topography is
undulating.
Journal of the North Atlantic
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had been achieved. Pollen and spores were identified
with the aid of the key and descriptions given
in Moore et al. (1991) and the reference material
held at the Department of Geography and Environment,
University of Aberdeen. Pollen and spore
nomenclature follows Bennett et al. (1994) and
Bennett (2012), with additional taxa as in Moore et
al. (1991). We separated Betula pollen into tree and
shrub varieties using grain-size diameter measurements
(cf. Fredskild 1973, Mäkelä and Hyvärinen
1998, Schofield and Edwards 2011). Cereal-type
pollen grains were evaluated under phase-contrast at
1000x magnification and categorized them following
the recommendations of Andersen (1979). Only
limited palynological data sets are presented here.
Plant nomenclature follows Böcher et al. (1968).
Calculation of pollen-accumulation rates (PAR), or
influx data, followed Hicks and Hyvärinen (1999).
Coprophilous fungi
Coprophilous fungal spores were identified during
pollen analysis using the photographs and notes
presented in van Geel et al. (2003). Sporormiellatype
(HdV-113) is the only taxon discussed here.
These spores grow on animal dung and have been
demonstrated to increase in abundance at landnám
following the introduction of domesticated herbivores
(Schofield and Edwards 2011). Care must
be taken in the interpretation of this proxy, however,
as small numbers of coprophilous spores have
also been shown to be present in the landscape of
southern Greenland both before and after Norse occupation
(e.g., Gauthier et al. 2010, Schofield and
Edwards 2011).
Microscopic charcoal
Microscopic charcoal is produced by the incomplete
combustion of plant material in fires which
may have both natural and anthropogenic causes
(Patterson et al. 1987). It is measured here in order
to reconstruct past fire histories that may be linked
to Norse settlement activities (e.g., cooking and domestic
heating) and perhaps land-management practices
(Dugmore et al. 2005, Edwards et al. 2011a).
We enumerated the area covered by microscopic
charcoal in pollen residues as described in Edwards
et al. (2008), except in the case of samples from the
Mountain Farm (see Ledger et al. 2013).
Radiocarbon dating and age-depth modelling
AMS 14C dating was undertaken at the SUERC
Radiocarbon Laboratory, East Kilbride, Scotland.
Measurements were undertaken on terrestrial plant
macrofossils with the exception of the samples from
the Mountain Farm (Ø70) where two age-estimates
are based on dating of the humic acid fraction extracted
from 1-cm3 peat samples. A total of 38 AMS
14C dates make up the chronologies for the sites
discussed. We pursued age-depth modelling using a
combination of classical and Bayesian methods and
present the models in Figure 3. Classical age modelling
(CLAM; Blaauw 2010) was emplyed where
the density of dates per core made a Bayesian approach
unviable, and the Bayesian approach offered
by BACON (Blaauw and Christen 2011) was used
where the dating density was higher. In both of these
approaches, we calibrated 14C age determinations
using the INTCAL09 curve (Reimer et al. 2009). All
dating estimates presented here are modelled ages
with 2-sigma age ranges. Where events in the pollen
record are assigned a single date in the text, this is
the maximum a posteriori probability in the case of
Bacon, and the best-fit model for CLAM with the
2-sigma age range presented in parentheses.
The Pre-landnám Environment
Pollen-analytical data covering the pre-landnám
period in Vatnahverfi are available from six sites
across the region (Fig. 4). These data broadly indicate
a two-fold separation of the region between the
inland valleys and fjord margins; not an unexpected
pattern considering the relative shelter of the valleys
compared to the more exposed fjord margins. In general,
the fjord-side locations such as Atikilleq (Ø65)
and Nimerialik are more open, with the vegetation
dominated by herbs. Further inland, the pollen
spectra are very different, being dominated by scrub
and woodland species, a group comprising Betula
pubescens (downy birch), Betula glandulosa (dwarf
birch), and Salix (willows).
At Atikilleq, a site exposed to winds blowing
across Igaliku Fjord, 20% of the mean pre-landnám
TLP consists of arboreal pollen (AP; pollen from
trees and shrubs). The pattern is slightly different
further south at Nimerialik (30% AP), perhaps reflecting
the more sheltered nature of the site, which
is protected somewhat from strong winds by steeply
rising slopes to the north, east, and west. In the sheltered
valleys of inland Vatnahverfi, the difference
is clear. At Saqqaa, the mean AP is 45%, of which
B. pubescens accounts for ≈21%. A similar situation
is recorded at the regional pollen site of Lake Vatnahverfi,
where AP accounts for 49% TLP, with B.
pubescens comprising ≈24% TLP. Indeed, in a single,
probably pre-landnám, sample from Saqqaata
Tasia, AP comprises 58% of the assemblage, with B.
pubescens accounting for 26% TLP. The steep-sided
hills in this central valley may have sheltered vegetation
from the desiccating effects of strong foehn
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2014 Special Volume 6
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sheltered areas, such as towards the head of Eriksfjord,
does it reach values approaching those seen in
central Vatnahverfi. At Qinngua, pollen from scrub
and woodland was found to comprise up to 40%
of the pre-landnám assemblage (Schofield and Edwards
2011), with a contribution of ≈20% from B.
pubescens. However, total values here are still some
10% less than the values from the heart of Vatnahverfi.
AP at Lake Igaliku reaches 50% (Gauthier et
al. 2010), but at ≈35 ha, this site is much larger than
the sites in Vatnahverfi and records a more regional
pollen signal. Therefore, the pre-landnám landscape
of the inland valleys Vatnahverfi would appear to
have been considerably more wooded than the previously
studied areas of the Eastern Settlement. This
finding suggests that Vatnahverfi was a region with
an abundance of woodland, relative to elsewhere.
Scrub and woodland resources may therefore have
made the region attractive for settlement.
The Impact and Timing of Landnám
Landnám in Vatnahverfi is clearly visible in the
palaeoecological record. Pollen diagrams covering
three different environments from the region—the
winds blowing off the ice sheet, thereby enabling
the development and survival of scrub and woodland
in the area. This situation was perhaps comparable
with that of the Qinngua-dalen valley today, where
luxuriant stands of birch up to 10 m tall are reported
(Feilberg and Folving 1990). High values for scrub
and woodland taxa are even recorded at altitude in
Vatnahverfi during the pre-landnám period. Data
from the Mountain Farm (Fig. 5) indicate 33% AP,
of which 6% is from B. pubescens. Pollen from the
latter is almost certainly not of local origin given
that the Mountain Farm is located around 260 m asl,
while the altitudinal limit of B. pubescens in Greenland
is currently ≈200 m asl (Eurola et al. 1990).
Pollen from this taxon is therefore probably sourced
from B. pubescens growing in the lowland valleys.
To put these patterns into perspective, it is necessary
to relate them to pollen data from elsewhere
in the Eastern Settlement. Generally scrub and
woodland accounts for 20–30% of the pollen in
pre-settlement contexts from comparable profiles
studied across the region (see Buckland et al. 2009;
Edwards et al. 2008, 2011; Fredskild 1973, 1978;
Gauthier et al. 2010; Golding et al. 2011; Schofield
and Edwards 2011; Schofield et al. 2008). Only in
Figure 3. Age-depth models for the sites discussed in the paper. Nimerialik (A) and Lake Vatnahverfi (B) were generated
using Bacon (Blaauw and Christen 2011) while the Mountain Farm (C), Atikilleq (D), and Saqqaa (E) were generated using
CLAM (Blaauw 2010).
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an increase in herbs, likely reflecting the clearance
of existing vegetation for the creation of hayfields.
Alongside these shifts, there was the appearance of
Rumex acetosella (sheep’s sorrel), a Norse introduction
(Fredskild 1973), and there was an increase, or
first appearance, of the coprophilous fungus Sporormiella-
type (HdV-113), reflecting the presence of
increased numbers of grazing herbivores in the landscape
(Schofield and Edwards 2011, van Geel et al.
2003). These patterns compare favorably with those
elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement (Edwards et al.
2011a), although there are some differences. The
character of the Sporormiella-type signature is very
different, with values between two and four times
higher at Saqqaa and the Mountain Farm, respectively,
than was found at other sites (Edwards et al.
2008, Schofield and Edwards 2011). This difference
may indicate that stocking densities were greater
in Vatnahverfi; however, current research does not
yet allow direct translation of spore abundance into
fjord margins (Atikilleq), inland valleys (Saqqaa),
and the uplands (the Mountain Farm)—each show
subtly different impacts associated with landnám
(Fig. 5). A rise in microscopic charcoal is observed
at all sites and most likely reflects fires associated
with domestic activities (Edwards et al. 2008,
2011a). The only exception to this pattern may be
at the Mountain Farm, where there is a very intense
peak in microscopic charcoal associated with landnám,
and macroscopic charcoal remains were found
at 93–92 cm concurrent with this peak. This finding
may reflect the localized burning of vegetation to
stimulate the expansion of grasslands for the grazing
of animals at this upland site. This practice has
been inferred in the Western Settlement (Fredskild
and Hulme 1991, Iversen 1934), but is somewhat
less certain in the Eastern Settlement (Edwards et al.
2008).
Contemporaneous with the rises in charcoal, the
pollen from trees and shrubs declined and there was
Figure 4. Mean pollen percentages for trees (Betula pubescens), dwarf shrubs (Salix spp. and Betula glandulosa), and herbs
at six pollen sites over the pre-landnám timeframe, ca. cal AD 650–985. Note the smaller proportion of woodland/scrub
along the fjord margins compared to the inland valleys.
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P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
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numbers of animals (cf. Raper and Bush 2009).
Within small catchments, such as those analyzed
here, it is also possible that high Sporormiella-type
values relate to the spread of manure to increase soil
fertility.
Radiocarbon dating allows the timing of landnám
to be (generally) well constrained in the
Vatnahverfi region (Fig. 6), with estimated dates for
landnám having been modelled for five of the
six sites investigated. The modelled age ranges for
farm establishment show significant overlap (Fig.
6), with all but a single site likely to have been
occupied by the late 10th century. Landnám in Vatnahverfi
therefore appears to agree with historical
accounts and is seemingly contemporaneous with
dates found over much of the Eastern Settlement.
Unsurprisingly, the easily accessible coastal locations,
such as Atikilleq, cal. AD 1000 (975–1095)
and Nimerialik, cal. AD 970 (775–1015) were
settled early. Indeed, the latter site is approximately
1.8 km northwest of Ø78, the favored location for
the farm of Hafgrim (a contemporary of Erik the
Red) who is believed to have first claimed Vatnahverfi
(Ingstad 1966, Vebæk 1943). Radiocarbon
results from Saqqaa and Lake Vatnahverfi, ≈4 km
inland from Igaliku Fjord, are similarly early. Respective
landnám dates of cal. AD 880–1000 and
cal. AD 990 (830–1030) indicate that landnám in
the heart of Vatnahverfi was contemporary with Erik
the Red’s farm Brattahlið. Given the interior location,
and relative inaccessibility of these sites, this
finding is perhaps surprising, but again suggests that
this landscape was highly attractive for settlement.
The first convincing palynological evidence
for farming at the Mountain Farm is dated slightly
later. Although subtle indications of human impact
are registered in the pollen diagram from ca. cal.
AD 995 (cal. AD 945–1055), these are interpreted
as reflecting regional activity contemporary with
that in the lowland valleys (cf. Edwards et al. 2008,
Schofield and Edwards 2011). Indications of burning,
significant modification of vegetation communities,
and perhaps substantial numbers of animals
at this site, are present from ca. cal. AD 1090 (cal.
AD 1050–1150), and these findings are taken to
reflect the establishment of buildings and the onset
of human activity on-site, i.e., the “local” landnám
(Ledger et al. 2013). The evidence suggests widespread
occupation of this upland landscape may not
have been achieved until at least a century after the
AD 985 landnám.
Farming and the Cultural Landscape
The question of how agriculture in Vatnahverfi
differed, if at all, from elsewhere in the Eastern
Figure 5. NW–SE transect across Vatnahverfi (indicated on Fig. 1) illustrating the variation in relief from the fjord margins
through the inland valleys and into the interior uplands. Pollen diagrams from Atikilleq, Saqqaa, and the Mountain Farm
present selected taxa and summarize the changes in vegetation before, during, and after Norse settlement.
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
38
an indication of how other factors such as climate
may more widely affect vegetation productivity.
Pre-landnám influx data are available for four sites in
the region: Nimerialik, Saqqaa, the Mountain Farm,
and Lake Vatnahverfi (Fig. 7). All of these sites show
a reasonably low pollen influx of approximately
200–450 grains cm-2 yr-1, suggesting that grass pollen
productivity was relatively uniform between the
upland and lowland valleys prior to landnám. Influx
values above this “baseline” can then be considered
as attributable to Norse farming activities. Further
weight is lent to this assumption when the Poaceae
influx through the Norse period at Lake Vatnahverfi
is considered. Productivity at this site, assumed to
be little affected by anthropogenic activity, remains
constant in the range of 200–450 grains cm-2 yr-1
throughout the Norse period, suggesting that the assumed
baseline values are reasonably accurate. The
only variation from this is a slight increase to approximately
300–550 grains cm-2 yr-1 from ca. cal. AD 950
until the middle of the 13th century before it declines
back to 200–450 grains cm-2 yr-1.
The impact of landnám and the introduction
of farming in the Vatnahverfi region are starkly
evident in the Poaceae influx data. Sharp rises to
≈3000 grains cm-2 yr-1 are noted at both Nimerialik
and Saqqaa from ca. cal. AD 985. These increases
set a trend for both of these sites, with the respective
mean influx values for Nimerialik and Saqqaa
being ≈3200 grains cm-2 yr-1 and 2500 grains cm-2
yyr-1 over the following ≈250 years. Influx then
falls dramatically around the beginning of the 13th
century, which may reflect the abandonment of these
sites (discussed further in the next section). Similar
Settlement is of key importance in understanding the
rationale for settlement in the area. We explore this
through an examination of palynologically based
evidence for pastoral and possible arable activities.
Pastoral activity
A useful way to investigate the development of
hayfields and animal grazing is through the calculation
of pollen accumulation rates (PAR or influx
data). This is a measure of the number of palynomorphs
deposited and incorporated annually into a
unit area of deposit (entities [e.g., pollen and spores]
cm-2 yr-1; cf. Erlendsson and Edwards 2009, Hicks
and Hyvärinen 1999). This calculation provides an
absolute measure of vegetation productivity that
allows direct inter-site comparisons (Faegri and
Iversen 1989). Figure 7 presents influx data for Poaceae
(grass) and Sporormiella-type from Vatnahverfi.
These data are compared with Poaceae influx data
from two sites in the wider Qassiarsuk district: Tasiusaq
(Ø2) and Qinngua (Ø39) (Edwards et al. 2008,
Schofield and Edwards 2011). Influx data for these
two types of microfossils potentially allow conclusions
to be drawn regarding the past productivity of
hayfields and grazing areas (using Poaceae; cf. Golding
et al. 2011), and levels of grazing intensity—or
the relative numbers of herbivores—at and immediately
around any location within the landscape (using
Sporormiella-type; cf. Raper and Bush 2009).
Before an assessment is undertaken of how grass
influx varied through the Norse period, it is instructive
to review patterns of Poaceae influx prior to
landnám. In addition, the values for Poaceae influx at
the regional control site of Lake Vatnahverfi provide
Figure 6. Modelled ages for landnám at five of the sites studied in the Vatnahverfi region. “n” denotes the number of 14C age
determinations used to construct each model. Grey circles indicate the median probability and black errors bars the 2σ range.
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
39
suggests Norse farming activity resulted in a very
significant increase in the productivity of grasses
around the immediate vicinity of each of the farms.
Of course, this result is to be expected given that
the areas adjacent to the farm buildings are where
the hay-growing homefields are concentrated, but in
order to address the question of whether Vatnahverfi
was a more productive landscape than elsewhere,
it is necessary to place these values within a wider
Eastern Settlement perspective. Poaceae influx data
are available from four Norse farm ruins, the first
of which—Qinngua—was perhaps the largest farm
in the entire Eastern Settlement (Guldager 2002;
although this claim has been questioned by Edwards
et al. 2010). Influx data are available for the majority
of the Norse period at this site (from landnám to cal.
AD 1380) and is consistently high. At the time of
landnám, values reach ≈5000 grains cm-2 yr-1 before
fluctuating around a mean value of ≈3000 grains
cm-2 yr-1 for the remainder of the settlement period.
These values are higher than all but one of the Vatnahverfi
farms studied—the high influx observed at
the Mountain Farm, between ca. cal. AD 1225–1300
being the major exception. The Mountain Farm is
considered to have been a shieling (Vebaek 1992),
and it is possible that the values presented for this
site represent Poaceae influx related to extensive areas
of upland pastures akin to those found in Iceland
(McGovern et al. 2007). Given the exposed, upland
aspect of this site, it is also likely that some of this
influx relates to Poaceae pollen blowing in from
patterns are noted at the Mountain Farm from ca.
cal. AD 1050, when influx climbs to ≈2500 grains
cm-2 yr-1 before declining towards the end of the 12th
century. The apparent synchronicity of these events
around the beginning of the 12th century along with
a similar lull at Nimerialik and Lake Vatnahverfi,
and the beginning of decline at Saqqaa may indicate
a common cause. It is tempting to invoke climatic
cooling, for which there is evidence in the DYE-3
ice core data (Fig. 7; Vinther et al. 2010) and marine
cores from Igaliku Fjord (Jensen et al. 2004, Lassen
et al. 2004, Roncaglia and Kuijpers 2004) rather than
a conscious land-management decision. However, it
should be noted there are indications of decreased
farming intensity, such as a decline in Poaceae and
increase in Cyperaceae, at Qinngua (Schofield and
Edwards 2011) and Lake Igaliku (Gauthier et al.
2010, Massa et al. 2012b) around this time. Nevertheless,
any such decline is short-lived at most sites,
and by the beginning of the 13th century, the influx at
the Mountain Farm begins to increase rapidly, reaching
values of approximately 3500–4500 grains cm-2
yr-1 by the latter half of the century and peaking at
≈10,000 grains cm-2 yr-1 around cal. AD 1340.
Mean Poaceae influx from farms in the Vatnahverfi
region over the Norse period is therefore approximately
2000–2500 grains cm-2 yr-1 (although
variations between individual farms are apparent).
When compared to the mean Poaceae influx at Lake
Vatnahverfi through most of the Norse period (approximately
300–550 grains cm-2 yr-1), this finding
Figure 7. Poaceae and Sporormiella-type influx data from sites in the Vatnahverfi region compared with Poaceae influx data
from sites in the Qassiarsuk district (data after Edwards et al. 2008, Schofield and Edwards 2011). Significant events are
highlighted with landnám plotted at AD 985 and the Hvalsey wedding at AD 1408. Exaggeration curves, where present,
are 5x.
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
40
elsewhere in the region. However, it seems likely
that a substantial proportion of this increase in grass
influx is related to the initiation of hay growing at
the site and perhaps the development of this site
into a permanently occupied farm. Poaceae pollen
represents 55% TLP in this period, which compares
favorably to findings from the margins of modern
hayfields in southern Greenland (Schofield et al.
2007).
The remainder of the farms are typical mediumsized
farms common throughout the Eastern Settlement
(Roussell 1941). At Tasiusaq, only a partial
record is available, encompassing the first century
of settlement and indicating Poaceae influx of approximately
1000–1750 grains cm-2 yr-1 with a peak
of 2500 grains cm-2 yr-1 (Edwards et al. 2008). Lower
values of approximately 500–1200 grains cm-2 yr-1
are registered at Qorlortop Itinnera (Ø34; Schofield
et al. 2008), and influx of approximately 1000–1250
grains cm-2 yr-1 have been found in the far south at
Sandhavn (Ø221; Golding et al. 2011). These medium-
sized farms can be viewed as comparable in size
to the farms at Saqqaa and Saqqaata Tasia, with the
influx data suggesting that the farms of Vatnahverfi
were more productive. Poaceae influx in Vatnahverfi
is generally double that of similarly sized farms in
the wider Eastern Settlement region and is almost
as high as grass influx at Qinngua (see Edwards et
al. 2010, Guldager 2002). It would therefore appear
that there may be some truth in Vebæk’s (1992:5)
assumption that “Vatnahverfi was—and still is—an
attractive area for sheep farming”.
Norse farming in Vatnahverfi may have been more
productive than elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement.
Whether this increased productivity is due to the fact
that the farms were inland, which consequently led
to an emphasis on farming over hunting, is unclear.
What is clear is that there are valuable resources in
Vatnahverfi, such as the abundance of freshwater offered
in the large lakes running through the valley,
that would have undoubtedly favored farming. The
need for irrigation in Norse Greenland is shown to
have been acute, with droughts perhaps occurring
in 11% of years (Adderley and Simpson 2006), and
the ease of access to abundant freshwater may have
been an important factor in enhancing hay yields in
Vatnahverfi (cf. Buckland et al. 2009). To date, no
postulated irrigation structures have been identified
in Vathahverfi, which may suggest that water stress
was not as severe as elsewhere in the Eastern Settlement
(cf. Edwards and Schofield 2013).
Evidence for arable agriculture
Whether Vatnahverfi supported arable agriculture
is much more uncertain. Cereal-type pollen
grains provide direct indicators for growing of crops
(Behre 1981), but difficulty arises in the process of
separating cereal pollen grains from other (wild)
members of the Poaceae family (Andersen 1979,
Tweddle et al. 2005). Measurements of the pore
diameter and mean size of the grain are the primary
determinants in deciding whether Poaceae pollen
falls into a cereal-type category. Annulus diameter
must be over 8 μm and the mean grain size must
be larger than 37 μm before a Poaceae grain can
be classified as Hordeum-type (the smallest of the
cereal-type grains; Andersen 1979). However, even
if these measurements are met, it does not fully discount
the possibility of that grain being from a wild
grass species.
A total of 14 out of ≈30,000 fossil Poaceae pollen
grains counted in this study were classified as
Hordeum-type. Of these, 10 were from the Mountain
Farm (with all records dating to the 13th century),
two were from Atikilleq, and single Hordeum-type
grains were found in samples from Saqqaa and
Saqqaata Tasia, with both occurrences dating to the
early to mid-11th century AD (Table 2). Classification
as Hordeum-type does not necessarily indicate
that these grains were produced by the cereal Hordeum
vulgare. Within the Hordeum group, there are
two wild grass species recorded among the modern
flora of Greenland (Böcher et al. 1968): Elymus
repens (syn: Agropyron repens [couch grass]) and
Elymus arenarius (lyme grass). Elymus repens is
not mentioned in the vegetation survey of south
Table 2. Measurements of Poaceae pollen grains that were classified
as Hordeum-type, with comparative measurements from
modern populations of Hordeum vulgare and Elymus arenarius
(the latter are based on data in Andersen [1979]).
Mean
Estimated size of Annulus
cal AD age A and B size State of
(modelled) axes (μm) (μm) preservation
Site
The Mountain Farm 1210 44.41 8.30 Excellent
1230 37.35 8.30 Folded
1260 39.84 8.72 Folded
39.84 9.96 Folded
1275 40.67 9.13 Folded
1290 39.01 8.72 Folded
38.18 8.72 Folded
38.18 9.96 Folded
37.35 8.30 Folded
1310 37.35 8.30 Folded
Atikilleq 1050 38.60 9.96 Folded
37.35 8.30 Folded
Saqqaa 1000 38.18 8.30 Degraded
Saqqaata Tasia 1050 41.50 9.50 Degraded
Modern populations
Hordeum vulgare N/A 37.29 8.23 N/A
Elymus arenarius N/A 43.86 8.88 N/A
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
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Greenland by Feilberg (1984), which suggests that
it is rare and may have been found only in isolated
locations, such as around ports, where it was possibly
a 20th-century introduction. If E. repens had
been a Norse plant, then given suitable habitats, it
would probably have had a wider distribution today
and might be expected to be common around Norse
ruins. Hordeum vulgare or Elymus arenarius would
be the probable candidates for any Hordeum-type
pollen grains recorded in this region of Greenland.
Lyme grass is quite common today in south Greenland,
favoring sandy or stony habitats, and it is also
frequent around several Norse ruin sites such as
those at Garðar and Sissarluttoq.
Beug (1961) also suggested that cereal pollen
can be separated from wild grasses on the basis
of pore and annulus measurements. This idea was
further developed by Küster (1988), who suggested
that a large annulus relative to pore size, along with
a sharp outer boundary to the annulus, could be used
as a determinant for distinguishing cereals from
wild grass species. Tweddle et al. (2005) combined
elements of the keys of Andersen (1979) and Küster
(1988) (Table 2). Applying these additional determinants
to the fossil pollen grains from Vatnahverfi
(Table 2) suggests that the grains from the Mountain
Farm probably represent Elymus arenarius, as the
annuli of Hordeum-type grains from this site are both
indistinct and small relative to the size of the pore
(Fig. 8). The single finds of cereal-type grains from
Saqqaa and Saqqaata Tasia are too poorly preserved
to assess with any certainty. However, two grains
found in early landnám-era deposits from Atikilleq
are more likely to be Hordeum vulgare than Elymus
arenarius given the distinct annuli, which are more
than twice the size of their >3-μm pores (cf. Tweddle
et al. 2005). Obviously, such measurements cannot
definitively determine if these grains represent
Hordeum vulgare, but they do add to a slight, but
growing, corpus of ecofactual evidence that Norse
Greenlanders may have made attempts at growing
cereals.
The Timing of Abandonment
The abandonment of farming is clearly evident
in the pollen diagrams from the farms in Vatnahverfi
and compares favorably to the pattern elsewhere in
the Eastern Settlement. This event is recognized in
the pollen record through a decline in Poaceae pollen
and is typically followed by a recovery in dwarfshrub
taxa (Fig. 5), reflecting hayfield abandonment
and reinvasion by natural vegetation communities
(Edwards et al. 2011a). Often there is a concurrent
Figure 8. Photographs of possible cereal pollen grains: (A and B) 35 cm at Atikilleq and dated ca. cal AD 1050—note the
strong surface sculpturing, distinct annulus and relatively small pore; (C) a typical example of Hordeum-type from the
Mountain Farm; this microfossil is from a depth of 86–85 cm dating to ca. cal AD 1275—note the indistinct sculpturing,
annulus, and relatively large pore; (D) 69 cm at Saqqaata Tasia—note the degraded nature of the grain making it difficult
to classify.
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
42
of the Hvalsey wedding of AD 1408. Perhaps the
most striking observation in these data is the apparently
“early” abandonment of Nimerialik, Atikilleq,
and Saqqaa (North farm). A cessation of charcoal
influx and a clear decline in Poaceae and Sporormiella-
type influx (Fig. 7) at Nimerialik points to
abandonment at ca. cal AD 1215 (1115–1300), with
similar evidence at Atikilleq indicating an abandonment
date of ca. cal. AD 1285 (1235–1320). Saqqaa
is somewhat different, with evidence of a sharp
decline in human impact from as early as ca. cal.
AD 1210 (1160–1250) but with a continuation of
a weak signature for human impact thereafter. This
dampened signal could reflect the abandonment of
what Vebæk (1992) referred to as the “North farm”
at Saqqaa and a shift in the focus of farming towards
another cluster of buildings ≈100 m south. A similar
pattern has been proposed by Edwards et al. (2008)
for Tasiusaq, where distancing of the locus of farming
from the depositional site may have resulted in a
weakened palaeoecological signal for human impact
during the later stages of the settlement period. Following
these potentially early dates, the abandonment
of the remaining farms appears to have been
broadly contemporaneous within the 14th century
(Massa et al. 2012b). There are hints of a progressive
abandonment of the farms (Fig. 9); however, this
decline in Sporormiella-type and Norse apophytes
such as Rumex acetosella, indicating a reduction
in numbers of grazing herbivores, although this is
not always the case (see Schofield et al. 2008). A
decline in microscopic charcoal influx, assumed in
part to reflect the intentional use of fire, domestic or
otherwise, is a further important factor in identifying
abandonment (Edwards et al. 2011a). For the
sites under assessment here, abandonment is defined
through a sustained decline in Poaceae, Norse apophytes,
and Sporormiella-type, but most importantly
a decline of microscopic charcoal to pre-landnám
(baseline) levels. Using the near-disappearance of
microscopic charcoal as the main measure of abandonment
is a conservative approach as it might be
assumed to reflect the absence of people from the
local area rather than simply a decline in farming
intensity. The latter might occur, for example, were
the emphasis on subsistence to have shifted in favor
of seal hunting (cf. Arneborg et al. 2012, Dugmore
et al. 2012).
Modelled abandonment dates from all of the
farms studied in Vatnahverfi are presented in
Figure 9 alongside the radiocarbon dates of Vebæk
(1992). These data indicate that all of the farms in
the Vatnahverfi area had probably been abandoned
by the beginning of the 15th century, and by the time
Figure 9. Modelled ages for abandonment at all of the sites studied in the Vatnahverfi region. “n” denotes the number of
radiocarbon dates used to construct the age model for the site. Grey circles indicate the median probability and black errors
bars the 2σ range. The grey diamond indicates a single 14C age determination on bone from Abel’s Farm (first reported by
Vebæk [1992]).
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
43
the Eastern Settlement—and perhaps open woodland
immediately prior to landnám is certainly
present, at least in the northern valley of Vatnahverfi
(the areas around the lakes Skyggesø, Saqqaata
Tasia, and Tasersuaq; Fig.1). Wood was an essential
resource to early Norse settlers (Church et al. 2007,
Trbojević et al. 2011), and it is likely this would
have led to the landscape being viewed as attractive,
despite the obvious impediment it represented
to settlement. Palynological evidence at Saqqaa and
Lake Vatnahverfi suggest early settlement dates in
the heart of the region, and would seemingly confirm
that Vatnahverfi was viewed as a good place
to settle. Whether or not the early settlers had also
judged the landscape as a potentially fertile farming
region is less clear. The plentiful supplies of
freshwater in this valley may suggest that this was a
consideration. Cereal-type pollen, dating to the 11th
century at two lowland sites, implies the possibility
of early attempts at grain cultivation and may
suggest that the early Norse viewed this landscape
favorably.
Modelled ages for landnám also hint at a staged
expansion of settlement, with landnám at the Mountain
Farm not beginning until the late 11th and early
12th century, although this may be more a reflection
on the site’s upland location (see Ledger et al. 2013
for discussion). Poaceae pollen influx is in many
cases double that of comparable farms elsewhere
in the Eastern Settlement and points to Vatnahverfi
having been a productive farming district, at least
initially. Despite the obvious benefits of Vatnahverfi,
it may have became a more difficult landscape to
live in. Abandonment of the farms was probably
underway by the mid-13th century (or at least farms
began to be consolidated from this point forward), a
transition that, if isotopic data have wider applicability,
may have been contemporaneous with shifts
to marine food (Arneborg et al. 2012). There is also
evidence for short-term intensification or expansion
of farming around this period at the Mountain Farm,
which may reflect land-management decisions to intensify
in some areas while reducing environmental
pressure in others. The process of farm abandonment
then gathered pace into the mid-14th century and was
potentially complete by the beginning of the 15th
century.
Acknowledgments
The Leverhulme Trust and the University of Aberdeen
are thanked for funding support. The comments of two
anonymous referees and Emilie Gauthier were very useful
for improving the paper.
possible pattern is something that cannot be easily
confirmed without higher resolution dating, which
would allow for the reduction of modelling errors
(Blaauw, 2010, Blaauw and Christen 2012).
Norse society in Greenland is often assumed to
have operated along similar lines to contemporary
Iceland, whereby large areas of land were held by
a chieftain at a large magnate farm with a network
of smaller tenant farmers (Vesteinsson et al. 2002).
This system is assumed to have developed either
from the subdivision of larger estates (claimed at
landnám) as the need for new farms arose (Keller
1989), or alternatively as a direct result of the impoverishment
of smaller farmers resulting from climatic
or environmental challenges, which led to increased
reliance on a larger magnate farmer (Dugmore
et al. 2012). This arrangement resulted in the
smaller farms being subject to the management
decisions of their landlord (McGovern et al. 1988).
Early farm abandonments at sites such as Saqqaa
North, Nimerialik, and Atikilleq, may then reflect
the consolidation of decentralized smaller farming
units into single larger farming estates (Vésteinsson
et al. 2002). The timing of these developments
around the time of Greenland’s incorporation into
the Norwegian Kingdom (ca. AD 1260) could reflect
political centralization. It could equally reflect
the ecological stresses of the encroaching LIA
(Barlow et al. 1997). Shortened growing seasons
and reduced fodder yields (Amorosi et al. 1997)
perhaps stretched smaller tenant farmers to the
limit, leading to further dependence on magnate
farmers. This shortage of resources may have led
to a chieftain forcing the abandonment of smaller,
less productive farms to allow others to thrive.
Thus, the ecological stress of the LIA may have led
landowners to make conscious management decisions
to reduce the pressure on the landscape. Such
mechanisms are known from contemporary Iceland
(Simpson et al. 2001), which had complex law
codes for managing resource use (Karlssson 2000).
In such a scenario, the abandonment and consolidation
of single farms into larger ones may have allowed
landowners to continue farming, perhaps at
lower stocking levels.
Conclusions
This paper set out to address the question of
whether Vatnahverfi was the green and pleasant
land suggested by a number of authors (Ingstad
1966, Seaver 2010, Vebaek 1992) and to investigate
if Norse settlers viewed Vatnahverfi as a favorable
or more marginal location for settlement. Evidence
for an abundance of scrub—relative to elsewhere in
Journal of the North Atlantic
P.M. Ledger, K.J. Edwards, and J.E. Schofield
2014 Special Volume 6
44
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G.T. Cook, G. Sveinbjarnardóttir, P.A. Ascough, and
K.H. Roucoux. 2007. Charcoal production during the
Norse and early Medieval periods in Eyjafjallahreppur,
Southern Iceland. Radiocarbon 49:659–672.
Dugmore, A.J., P.C. Buckland, K.J. Edwards, I. Lawson,
T.H. McGovern, E. Pangagiotakopulu, I.A. Simpson,
P. Skidmore, and G. Sveinbjardóttir. 2005. The Norse
landnám on the North atlantic islands: An environmental
impact assessment. Polar Record 41:21–37.
Dugmore, A.J., T.H. McGovern, O.Vésteinsson, J. Arneborg,
R. Streeter, and C. Keller. 2012. Cultural
adaptation, compounding vulnerabilities and conjunctures
in Norse Greenland. Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences109:3658–3663.
Edwards, K.J., and J.E. Schofield. 2013. Investigation
of proposed Norse irrigation channels and dams at
Garðar/Igaliku, Greenland. Water History 5:72–92.
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Edwards, K.J., J.E. Schofield, and D. Mauquoy. 2008.
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