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Journal of the North Atlantic
A.I. Riisøy
2016 Special Volume 8
157
Introduction
The aim of this article is to show that the legal
actions of mythological females within eddic poetry
can lend some understanding to how “ladies of law”,
real women of high social standing, participated in
a legal sphere traditionally ascribed by scholars to
men. As an introduction to this study, I will present
one of the most famous stories in the Old Norse
mythology, which concerns the death of the god
Baldr. Baldr’s death is seen as the first in the chain
of events that brought about the destruction of the
gods at Ragnarǫkr, the end of the gods and the
world. When Baldr dreamed that his life was in peril,
the gods and goddesses became most worried, and
gathered at the thing to discuss this omen (Baldr’s
Dreams, stanza 1; Larrington 1996:243, Neckel
and Kuhn 1983:277). Baldr’s mother Frigg made
everyone and everything, except the seemingly insignificant
mistletoe, swear oaths not to harm Baldr.
Thereafter, as an entertainment, taking place at the
thing, the Æsir were shooting arrows and throwing
stones at the supposedly inviolable Baldr. The mischievous
god Loki soon learned that the mistletoe
had not sworn Frigg’s oath, and he consequently
helped the blind Hod to shoot with mistletoe in
the direction of Baldr, who fell dead to the ground
(Faulkes 1987:48–49, Jónsson 1900:56–57). From a
gender perspective, two points are worthy of note:
firstly, goddesses attended the thing and deliberated
important issues alongside the gods, and secondly,
Frigg oversaw the swearing of oaths. Before these
aspects are further explored, some comments on the
sources I use and how I use them are in order.
The majority of the eddic poems, often referred to
as the Poetic Edda, are preserved in the manuscript
Codex Regius to which an Icelandic scribe copied
them down in the 1270s. The eddic poems are notoriously
difficult to date. The majority were probably
composed during the Viking Age, although linguistic
features correlated with material remains indicate
that some of the stories they tell may be even older
(Fidjestøl 1999, Hedeager 2011:206, Kristjánsson
1997:27–28). Snorri’s Edda, a handbook for aspiring
poets written by Snorri Sturluson around 1220, is
also relevant. Snorri’s Edda contains excerpts from
the eddic poems in addition to information otherwise
unknown (Kristjánsson 1997:25–26).
Other sources used, which can tie the legal
world of the eddic poems to the real world, are the
earliest laws of Iceland and Norway, skaldic poetry,
and the family sagas (Íslendingasögur). These
sources raise the same methodological problem as
the eddic poems: since they are preserved in manuscripts
of the 13th and 14th centuries, can they tell us
anything about pre-Christian society? The Icelandic
law Grágás originated before the submission
of Iceland to the Norwegian crown in 1262–1264.
Here, Peter Foote (1987) detected stray vocabulary
and even whole sections that point to Viking
Age usage. In addition, the oldest Norwegian laws,
the Older Law of the Gulathing (referred to as G)
and the Older Law of the Frostathing (referred to as
F), which were applied to the southwest and northwest
of Norway, respectively, are relevant because
the leading families who colonized Iceland from ca.
A.D. 870 were mostly descended from these areas.
Based on a part-correlation between chronology
and stylistic variation in the medieval Norwegian
legal language, Rune Røsstad (1997:110–114)
found that these laws contain Viking Age regulations.
With a reasonable degree of confidence, the
skaldic poems, which were composed by named
poets in the honor of important individuals, are
considered historically reliable. The oldest skaldic
verses have a demonstrably archaic language
(Myrvoll 2015), and because they were composed
in a strict metrical form, they were remembered
and preserved fairly accurately (Jesch 2001:15–36,
Schulte 2008). Finally, the family sagas describe
events that purportedly took place in the 10th and
early 11th centuries, and as far as legal matters are
concerned, they show some concordance with other
early sources of law and legal practice (cf. Riisoy
2016 [this volume]).
Eddic Poetry: A Gateway to Late Iron Age Ladies of Law
Anne Irene Riisøy*
Abstract - This article argues that eddic poetry, where females are described attending assemblies, swearing oaths, receiving
compensation, and taking revenge, can provide some insight into the real “ladies of law” of pre-Christian Scandinavia.
In Christian times, when “law” was seen to emanate from the male God, considerable changes were introduced.
Debating the Thing in the North: The Assembly Project II
Journal of the North Atlantic
*University College of Southeast Norway, Faculty of Humanities, Sports, and Education, Drammen, Norway; Anne.Irene.
Riisoy@hbv.no.
2016 Special Volume 8:157–171
Journal of the North Atlantic
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“ … Iceland, as in earlier continental societies …”?
Very little research on the judicial participation
of Old Norse women, whether they are mythological
or real, has been undertaken. One reason is probably
the underlying assumption that the legal domain
belonged exclusively to men. In a study on The Jurisprudence
of Agreements in Old Norse Mythology,
Maria Kallestrup Laursen (2009:87–99, 102) pointed
out that Frigg’s legal role in the story of Baldr’s
death is unexpected, because the overseeing of oaths
and assembly attendance in the real world belonged
to the masculine and public domain, whereas women
were in charge inside the threshold. Other scholars
expressed similar views. For example, as Michael
J. Enright (1996:42–43) stated in his study Lady
with a Mead Cup: “In medieval Iceland, as in earlier
continental societies, women could not represent
themselves in court cases. Neither could they witness,
prosecute directly, fight in a duel, or speak at
thing assemblies” (cf. Byock 1986, 1988:134–135;
Jochens 1995:113,163; Lindow 1997:49, Miller
1990:305). Once a hypothesis has taken hold, it is
frequently repeated; in this case, however, I will
argue that the legal capacities of women have been
oversimplified and underplayed.
Furthermore, I find that it is a methodological
problem that generalizations covering long periods
of time and huge geographical spans are based
primarily on Icelandic sources. The first settlers of
Iceland soon founded local assemblies modelled
on those of their homelands, and they brought
with them some concept of law and legal customs
(Karlsson 2009, Ólafsson 1987, Riisøy 2014). However,
over time certain eras of Icelandic society,
and consequently Icelandic law, took a different
direction than that of their homelands. Else Mundal
(1994:591–596, 2001:242–243) pointed out that in
order to get a more nuanced picture of Old Norse
women’s position in public life, which included
their legal capacities, it is very important to explore
the earliest Norwegian laws. Here, women had a
relatively strong position. Mundal found that the
participation of Norwegian women in legal affairs
was more a question of practicality than a matter
of principle; for example, a widow could travel to
the assembly where she had the same rights and
duties as her deceased husband (G 131; Eithun et.
al. 1994:102–103, Keyser and Munch 1846:55). If
a married man was killed, it was his widow, and not
his surviving male relatives, who were responsible
of convening a thing at the site of the killing, and
decide whether or not a sentence should be passed
then and there (G 151; Eithun et. al. 1994:109–110,
Keyser and Munch 1846:60). At the assembly where
they took census, a woman who owned a farm was
expected to be present, and she had to provide a
good reason to send a man in her place (F VII 8;
Keyser and Munch 1846:199–200). Mundal (2001)
suggested that during Iceland’s turbulent period of
colonization when women were fewer than men and
weaker in public life, women’s status deteriorated.
This trend was accelerated by the conversion around
the year 1000, which may explain some of the gender
discrepancies between Norwegian and Icelandic
law.
Single events may also have brought about a
deterioration of women’s legal position in Iceland,
which Eyrbyggja Saga (ch. 38) illustrates. When the
chieftain Arnkel was killed ca. A.D. 1000, only one
of the many men who attacked Arnkel was outlawed
at the assembly. Arnkel’s heirs were all women and
they were in charge of prosecuting the case. Arnkel’s
daughters were blamed for the lenient punishment
of the attackers because they had not prosecuted
Arnkel’s killing “with as much energy as might have
been expected for such a great man” (Hreinsson [vol.
V] 1997:179). Therefore, the leading men of the
land decided “that a woman or a young man under
the age of sixteen could never prosecute a case of
manslaughter, and this has been the law ever since”
(Hreinsson [vol. V] 1997:179). Saga and law are
in concord. Grágás provided similar information
regarding the principal in a case of manslaughter: he
should be a man’s son, sixteen winters old or older,
freeborn, and a lawful heir (Dennis et. al. 1980:156).
The situation in Iceland before these changes were
introduced may have been similar to that of Norway,
where women, in principle, were not excluded from
prosecuting cases and attending assemblies.
I will argue that in pre-Christian Scandinavia the
traditional gender distinctions were not clear-cut.
The eddic poems, which present females who possessed
legal knowledge, attended assemblies, swore
oaths, received compensations, or took revenge,
reflect real women’s lives.
The Norns—Who Set Down Laws
Let us start with the norns, who ruled the destiny
of gods and people, and who were also involved in
lawmaking and judgment. According to the Seeress’s
Prophecy, the three norns who “set down laws”
(þær lǫg lǫgðo) that decided the “fates” (ørlǫg) of
people, dwelled in Weird’s well. This well was situated
beneath Yggdrasill, the world tree of Old Norse
mythology (stanzas 19, 20; Larrington 1996:6,
Neckel and Kuhn 1983:5). It should be noted that
in the version of the Seeress’s Prophecy preserved
in the Hauksbók manuscript from ca. 1300–1325,
a version which is otherwise similar to the Codex
Regius, Weird’s well is placed in the vicinity of a sal
“hall” (Neckel and Kuhn 1983:5 footnote; see also
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and Bek-Pedersen 2011:75, 93; Dronke 1997:74;
Faulkes 1987:18). Thus, whether the norns dwelled
in a well or a hall, both were situated in proximity
to Yggdrasill. Here was also a dómstað, literally
a “place of judgment” (Snorri’s Edda; Faulkes
1987:17–19, Jónsson 1900:20–23), which will be
further discussed below.
The original meaning of the word norn is uncertain,
but because the norns pronounced verdicts,
this can be connected to the Indo-European root
(s)(neer) “murmuring, rumbling” and “turning,
winding, drawing together” and the Swedish verb
nyrna “secretly communicate” (Bek-Pedersen
2011:190–191). Weird (Urðr) must have been of
more consequence than the other norns, as she is
most frequently associated with fate and evidence of
her is found over a larger part of the Germanic world
(Green 1998:284). The term örlǫg is a compound
word of which the last element “law” (lǫg) originally
may have denoted a collection of fixed rules (Wessén
1965:10). The term lǫg is ancient, as evidenced by
the term laguþewa, literally “Law guardian”, found
in Scandinavian runic inscriptions older than the 6th
century (Herschend 2001:358). Karen Bek-Pedersen
argued that ørlǫg can mean ancient or primal (ør)
law (lǫg), an interpretation that is clearly legalistic;
moreover, whereas humans concern themselves
with lǫg, the norns concern themselves with ørlǫg
(Bek-Pedersen 2011:170–175).
No clear functional distinctions can bee seen
between the various groups of supernatural females
who were concerned with legal tasks; the norn Skuld
for example, was also a valkyrie (Snorri’s Edda;
Faulkes 1987:31). Mythological females were also
often in possession of legal knowledge, as indicated
by the example of the valkyrie Sigrdrifa, who advised
against contending with fools at the thing and never
to trust the oath of the offspring of an outlaw (Lay of
Sigrdrifa, stanzas 24,35; Larrington 1996:170–172;
Neckel and Kuhn 1983:194, 196). Also, when the
hero Ottar needs to gain knowledge of his ancestors
in order to lay claim to his inheritance, he enlists
the help of the goddess Freyia. Freyia, on her part,
received the necessary information from the giantess
Hyndla who recites a number of names from Ottar’s
ancestry (Song of Hyndla; Larrington 1996:253–259,
Neckel and Kuhn 1983:288–296). This topic will not
be further discussed here, but instead developed in
future research.1
The conversions of Iceland and Norway took
place around A.D. 1000. Mundal (1990b:150) and
Bek-Pedersen (2011:91–94) found that skaldic
verses composed by contemporary Icelandic poets
attest to the strong legal connections of the norns
in heathen times, and furthermore, that Christ and
God took on the role of the norns. For example,
Eilífr Goðrúnarson situated Christ sunnar at Urðar
brunni “south at Weird’s well”, and Hallfreðr vandráðaskáld
composed a poem where the will of the
Christian God replaced the skop norna “the decision
of the nornir [Norns]” (Bek-Pedersen 2011:93–94;
Jónsson 1912–1915:1B:144, 159 and 1A:152, 169;
Mundal 1990b:154, 2013:16). Hallfreðr was one
of the court poets of King Olaf Tryggvason (ruled
995–1000), and this stanza may therefore reflect
the attitudes towards the norns in Norwegian royal
circles during the conversion period (Mundal
2013:16). Because the norns controlled fate, they
may have been more important than the gods and
goddesses (Mundal 1990a:302–311). The coming of
Christianity gave rise to a clash with the pagan pantheon
and also with the pagan belief in fate because
a belief in the immutable fate was demeaning to the
merciful omnipotence of God (Green 1998:381). In
Scandinavia, it must have been imperative to disentangle
“law” and notions of fate or “primal law”
from the pagan religion, and the early Church was
particularly fond of the image of Christ in judgement
(DuBois 1999:61–62). Hence, in the supernatural legal
sphere, male replaced female as God, and Christ
ousted the norns.
Gendering the Thing
In pre-Christian mythology, the thing was located
in close proximity to the norns. As we have
seen above, the norns dwelled close to a dómstað, a
“place of judgment”. This locale was often the thing,
and questions that concerned the well-being of the
whole community were also discussed here (Riisøy
2013). Therefore, as specified in Table 1, when
Baldr dreams that his life was in peril (no. 1) and a
giant steals Thor’s hammer (no. 2), the gods and the
goddesses came to the thing for deliberation. Thor’s
hammer was important because it enabled Thor to
strike at whatever he wanted, but in the hands of
the giants, they might be strong enough to conquer
Asgard, the home of the gods and goddesses.
Table 1. Thing attendance: the parties involved, poem and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983
(Old Norse) and Larrington 1996 (translation).
No. Who attended the thing Poem, stanza Neckel and Kuhn Larrington
1. Gods and goddesses Baldr’s Dream, 1 277 243
2. Gods and goddesses Thrym’s Poem, 14, 18, 31 113–115 99–101
3. Thor and the gods Grimnir’s Sayings, 29, 30 63 56
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Grimnir’s Sayings (no. 3) notes that only
Thor and the Æsir go to sit as judges at Yggdrasill.
Why the goddesses were omitted in this case is
hard to explain because, as shown in Table 1, they
normally participated too. The goddess Skadi may
even have owned or controlled assemblies because
she is in possession of véom, often translated as
“sanctuaries” (Loki’s Quarrel, stanza 51; Larrington
1996:93, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:106); Old Norse vé
could also designate a thing (Brink 2002:106–108,
Sundqvist 2002:104). The elusive goddess Syn functioned
as a protector of the thing because she was
specifically “appointed as a defence at assemblies
against matters that she wishes to refute” (Faulkes
1987:30, Jónsson 1900:36). In the Germanic
world, she was not alone. The earliest inscriptional
evidence of a Germanic thing was made in the 3rd
century near Hadrian’s Wall, probably by Frisian
mercenaries. The inscription honored the god Mars
Thincsus “Thincso”, who in parts of Scandinavia
may be similar to Tyr, and the two goddesses, Beda
and Fimmilena, protectors of the thing (Birley
1986:77, Brink 2007, Dumézil 1973: 43–44, Green
1998:34–35, Iversen 2013).
In pre-Christian Scandinavia, the association
of female powers with assemblies is nowhere more
pronounced than at the most famous thing of them
all, the dísaþing. This was held at Uppsala in central
Sweden (Nordberg 2006:153–157). The dísir could
refer to goddesses, but also to protective spirits or
women, and etymologically dís may lead back to
the Vedic goddess Dhisanã, associated with bounty
and riches (Bammesberger 2007, Bek-Pedersen
2011:41–48, Gunnell 2000, Näsström 2003:102).
A cult was demonstrably attached to the dísir,
may included sacrifices held in their honor, and at
Uppsala this sacrifice (dísablót) was probably held
in conjunction with the dísaþing (Bek-Pedersen
2011:66, Gunnell 2000:130, Näsström 2003:102).
This gathering seems to have been determined by the
full moon (Näsström 2003:107, Nordberg 2006:156,
Ström 1954:53), which agrees well with ancient
Germanic practice (see further below). The Swedish
Law of Uppland briefly alluded to this thing through
terms such as dísaþing, disæþings friþær, “the protection
and peace at the dísaþing”, and disæþings
dagh, the “day of the dísaþing” (Schlyter 1834:309,
1877:119). That the dísir were still worshipped towards
the end of the heathen era can be seen from the
byname of the Icelandic poet Thorbiorn dísarskáld,
who composed poems around the year 1000 (Faulkes
1987:73–74, 126, 255; Simek 1993:61).
The dísaþing at Uppsala probably served
as a template for other places of worship and law
dedicated to the dísir, which place-names seem to
indicate. One of the most frequently cited is Disevid
in Östergötland in Sweden (Sundqvist and Vikstrand
2014, who also note other examples). The dísir may
even have had a comparable role among the heathen
Saxons, and John Henry Clay (2010:318) suggested
that Desenberg, in A.D. 1070 referred to as Tesenberg
in the chronicle by Lampert of Hersfeld, was a
meeting place associated with this class of supernatural
females (Holder-Egger 1894:115).
Whereas the dísaþing and the dísablót belonged
to the dísir, in plural, (Mundal 1990a:312)
a handful of sources mention a “hall of the dís”
(singular) and this dísarsalur may have belonged
to Freyia (Gunnell 2000:135, Näsström 2003:109,
Ström 1954:52, Sundqvist 2002:230).2 Freyia, with
the byname Vanadís, was probably the ultimate dís
(Snorri’s Edda; Faulkes 1987:30), and in the eddic
poems, several notable females bear the epithet dís.3
Freyia’s name was also a title meaning “Lady”, as
in “female ruler”, and as the Saga of the Ynglings in
Heimskringla, written by Snorri Sturlusson, noted:
“all women of rank came to be called by her name”,
including “everyone who is a mistress over her property”
and “one who owns an estate” (ch. 10; Hollander
1964:14, cf. Green 1965:19–55 for a discussion
of Freyia and Freyr as designations for rulers).
In the Saga of the Ynglings, Freyia also appears as a
blótgyðja, which in this context probably means she
was acting as a “priestess at the sacrifices” (ch. 4;
Hollander 1964:8, Näsström 2003:66). The term blót
means sacrifice, and in pre-Christian Scandinavia,
sacrifices often took place within a legal context,
for example at the thing or an oath swearing (Riisøy
2013, 2016 [this volume]). Therefore, a blótgyðja,
both in myth and real life, may have been involved
in legal tasks. In pre-Christian Scandinavia, a gyðja,
the female equivalent of a goði, was in possession
of an office that may have included leadership in
regards to religious, political, and legal affairs (Sigurðsson
2011; Sundqvist 2007, 2011). Of interest in
this context is also the name Odindisa, which appears
in an 11th-century runic inscription from Hassmyra
in Västmanland, Sweden. The inscription is a
praise poem honoring Odindisa, who probably had a
leading public position, both secular and sacred, and
who remained faithful to Odin during the conversion
period (Gräslund 1999; Sundqvist 2002:79, 2014:
100). In addition to sharing the appellative dís with
Freyia, Odindisa was also called hifreya, meaning
she was in charge of the household (see hús-freyia in
La Farge and Tucker 1992:125 and Fritzner [vol. III]
1973:141), and she may have ruled the larger settlement
district, the modern Swedish “bygd” (Jesch
2011; Sundqvist 2002:79, 2007:59).4
In the mythological world, goddesses attended
assemblies alongside gods, and this situation is mirrored
in the real world. Mundal (1994, 2001) has
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shown that Norwegian women in particular took an
active part, and in The Role of Women at the Thing,
Alexandra Sanmark (2014) concluded that active
assembly participation in the Old Norse world also
included women. The sources describe assembly attendance
in gender-neutral terminology, for example
early Norwegian law used maðr, which means “person”
(cf. Venås 1989) and in Orkney, the Isle of Man,
and at Birka (Sweden), there were assemblies of the
“people” (Sanmark 2014).
All the Powers Went to the Rǫkstóla
When discussing assemblies in a gender context,
the rare term regin and the unique term rǫkstóla (singular
rǫkstóll) need to be addressed. In the Seeress’s
Prophecy, these two terms appear together in four
stanzas (6, 9, 23, 25), all beginning with identical
phrasing (Larrington 1996:4, 5, 7; Neckel and Kuhn
1983:2, 6):
Þá gengo regin ǫll / á rǫkstóla,
ginnheilog goð, / ok um þat gættuz,
Then all the Powers went to the thrones of fate,
the sacrosanct gods, and considered this:
The term regin is neuter plural, and hence comprises
the gods and the goddesses. In Old Norse
terminology, regin means divine or supernatural
sovereignty (Dronke 1997:117, La Farge and Tucker
1992:213). The regin are involved in legal activities,
and in the Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani the reginþing
designates the great or central thing (La Farge and
Tucker 1992:213, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:138). David
H. Green (1998:14) stressed the collective aspect
of the term regin, as it “denoted a legislative body or
an assembly of those wielding power”. As Green and
others have pointed out, regin formed part of an early
medieval Germanic legal vocabulary. For example, in
early Frankish law, a rachimburgi, a compound term
where the first element corresponds to regin and the
second element burgi or “guarantor”, was “someone
assuming responsibility for the proceedings and the
decisions of the legal assembly” (see comment on the
occurrence of rachimburgi in the early 6th-century
Pactus Legis Salicae and the 7th-century Lex Ribvaria
by David H. Green in Wood 1998:227). In addition,
regin corresponds to Old Gothic ragin “decision
reached by a council” or “judgement”, raginon “to
be a governor”, and Old Saxon reganioskapu “divine
decision, decree of fate” (Dronke 1997:117, Green
1998:13–14, Martin 1972:2).
When the regin went to their rǫkstóla in the Seeress’s
Prophecy, they were involved in issues or cases
that directly or indirectly can be classified as “legal”.
Before I further explore the meaning of rǫkstóla, I
will briefly look into this legal context.
In stanza 6, the regin deliberate the division of
time:
nótt oc niðiom / nǫfn um gáfo,
morgin héto / oc miðian dag,
undorn oc aptan, / árom at telia
to night and her children they gave names,
morning they named and midday,
afternoon and evening, to reckon up the years
Stanza 6 should be seen as a continuation of the previous
stanza 5 where the sun is the “companion of
the moon” (sinni mána) still did not know her place
in cosmos, literally hvar hon sali átti “where her
hall might be”, and the moon still did not know hvat
hann megins átti “what power he had” (Larrington
1996:4, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:2). In stanza 6, the
regin start to sort out this confusion in order for
people to reckon time.
Andreas Nordberg pointed out that in pre-Christian
times the calendar system was based on a combination
of the sun and the moon’s movements in the
sky, and the moon’s nickname ártali, “the one who
tells us the years”, reflects this system (Vafthrudnir’s
Sayings, stanza 23, All-wise’s Sayings, stanza 14; La
Farge and Tucker 1992:10–11; Larrington 1996:43,
111; Neckel and Kuhn 1983:48, 126; Nordberg
2006:66–67). In this calendar consisting of twelve
lunar months in a year, the calculation was probably
based on the phases of the moon, from one new
moon to the next, which is reflected in the set expression
ný oc nið “waxing and waning moon” (e.g.,
in Vafthrudnir’s Sayings, stanza 25; La Farge and
Tucker 1992:196, Larrington 1996:44, Neckel and
Kuhn 1983:49, Nordberg 2006:66–70).5 The gathering
of people for festivals, markets, and assemblies
was inseparably connected to the reckoning of time
(Nordberg 2006:67–68). As early as the first century
AD, the Roman politician and historian Tacitus noted
that the Germans convened assemblies at fixed
dates in addition to ad hoc meetings. The fixed assemblies
were held when the moon was either new
or full, because they regarded this as the most advantageous
time to begin business (Germania 11.1;
Rives 2002:81). Green made an interesting connection
between the German term for assembly, thing,
and Gothic Þeihs, meaning not just “time” but “a
time appointed for a particular purpose”. This relationship
implies that the Germanic thing recurred at
an appointed time, which agrees well with Tacitus’s
observation (Green 1998:35). In the mythological
world, the reckoning of time was under the control
of the regin when they went to their rǫkstóla and
acted together as a unit with legal power. A parallel
is implied in the real world too. In Iceland, for example,
the determination of time and dates was part of
the responsibility of the Althing, and the Lawspeaker
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given Freyia as his wife in return. When Freyia refuses,
the issue moves into the legal sphere when all
the gods and goddesses came to the thing to discuss
how to retrieve the hammer (Thrym’s Poem, stanzas
14–31; Larrington 1996:99–101, Neckel and Kuhn
1983:113–115).
When the regin experienced a crisis, it was imperative
to meet for deliberation and try to find a
solution. In the stanzas discussed above, the powers
went to their rǫkstóla, which is translated as
“thrones of fate” by Caroline Larrington (cf. above
and Dronke 1997:8). In the most recent discussion
of rǫkstóla, Løkka (2013:23) pointed out that “it is
generally agreed that it means the assembly (site)”.
However, as the following exposition will show,
this interpretation is far from unanimous, although
rǫkstóla does seem to have a more explicit legal
meaning than “thrones of fate”.
The term rǫkstóla (singular rǫkstóll) was a noun,
where the element stóll means chair, chiefly as a seat
of honor, but also a throne (La Farge and Tucker
1992:249). The term rǫk means fate or destiny (La
Farge and Tucker 1992:219) but can also denote authority
Dronke (1997:37). Therefore, a rǫkstóll was
a chair, to which a person had access to on account
of their authority (Fritzner [vol. III] 1973:152). In
the Seeress’s Prophecy, the term rǫkstóla is in plural,
suggesting that the gods and goddesses all had
their own chairs. Several translations encompass the
stóla “chairs”, for example thing-seats or “advisorychairs”
(modern Norwegian tingseter in Steinsland
and Sørensen 1999:10, 11, 16, 17; and råd-stoler
Holm-Olsen 1993:17–18, 20), “assembly-seats”
(Bellows 1936:5–11), “judgment-seats” (Thorpe
1906:2–5), and chairs of judgement or council seats
(La Farge and Tucker 1992:219). A parallel to the
differing translations of the rǫkstóll is found in the
sphere of the Anglo-Saxons. A literal translation of
frumstol, for example, is “first seat”; however, frumstol
may also often refer to the “principal dwelling”,
i.e., the hall, and even designate a more abstract idea
of authority, connected with the person who was
entitled to a frumstol (Pollington 2010:85). Here,
there is a parallel to Lee M. Hollander’s (1986:3)
translation of rǫkstóla, which designated neither a
seat nor a place, but a conversation where the gods
collectively participated: “Then gathered together
/ the gods for counsel, / the holy hosts, / and held
converse”.
The rǫkstóla is, however, most often translated
as something to sit on, and in the real world some
participants at assemblies, for example, were elevated
and singled out because they were allowed to sit.
The act of sitting down suggests rest and order, and
it marked the occasion as solemn (Bauschatz 1978).
Heimskringla tells about a thing held at Uppsala in
proclaimed the reckoning of the seasons (calendar)
for the coming year at the close of the thing (Davidson
1994:38, Jóhannesson 1969:38–40).
Next, in stanza 9, the regin meet to discuss
the creation of the dwarves. As noted by Løkka
(2010:194–195), the mythological motive in this
passage is unclear, but the dwarves may have been
created so that they could mine gold for the gods
and goddesses. With a legal focus in mind, it is
important to point out that the dwarves also forged
Draupnir, Odin’s golden ring, which had the ability
to multiply itself: Every ninth night, eight new
rings “drip” from Draupnir, each one the same size
and weight as the original (Snorri’s Edda; Faulkes
1987:96–97). As Christoph Kilger convincingly
argued, the mythological ring Draupnir was a prototype
for rings, because it symbolized standards
and value, and thus represented the principle underlying
the weighing of precious metals (Kilger
2008:253–325). In addition, the ring (baugr) was
the most sought after object for legal compensation,
and oaths were sworn upon a ring (see Riisøy
2016 [this volume]). Therefore, when golden rings
were brought into the legal process, justice was divinely
sanctioned, and, in the mythological world,
the creation of the prototype Draupnir presupposed
the creation of the dwarves.
In stanza 23, the regin discuss whether tribute
should be rendered in particular circumstances.
hvárt scyldo æsir / afráð gialda
eða scyldo goðin ǫll /gildi eiga
whether the Æsir should yield the tribute
or whether all the gods should partake in the
sacrifices
The term afráð means payment, tribute, or heavy
penalty, gialda means to repay, requite, and perhaps
in this stanza “to pay compensation”, and gildi
“compensation” (La Farge and Tucker 1992:4, 84,
85). A more literal translation of this stanza indicate
that the regin meet to discuss whether they should
pay compensation. This discussion may be interpreted
in the context of a preceding stanza (21, which
refer to the killing of the woman Gullveig; Løkka
2010:195). This interpretation makes sense, because
questions relating to compensation normally followed
in the wake of killings (cf. Riisøy 2016 [this
volume]).
Finally, in stanza 25, the regin try to find out who
had promised Freyia to the giants (see comment by
Larrington 1996:265). Nanna Løkka (2010:195)
pointed out that this episode concerns deceit and
disloyalty, although who the deceiver was is not
revealed. Also, another eddic story reveals that the
giants found Freyia desirable. In this case, a giant
steals Thor’s hammer Miollnir and demands to be
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enigmatic term rǫkstóla is exclusively associated
with the regin. Here then, we may have an example
of the difference between the “language of gods and
language of men” (Watkins 1970), though in the Old
Norse mythology, “Gods” frequently encompassed
the goddesses too.
Legal Procedure
Legal procedures are methods by which legal
rights are enforced. They were the forms, manners,
and orders of steps that were applied in order to
solve disputes and settle cases. In the eddic poems,
episodes describing the swearing of oaths are prominent
(cf. Riisøy 2016 [this volume]). When Frigg
made everyone swear not to kill her son Baldr,
Laursen (2009:87–99, 102) argued that she operated
within an essentially feminine and internal sphere,
meaning she was in the main acting as a mother
trying to protect her son. I disagree with this assessment.
In my opinion, Frigg is acting in an external
sphere precisely because she was reaching out and
extracting oaths from everyone. Also, the goddess
Var had an important procedural role when oaths
were sworn. Var was in charge of matrimonial oaths
because she listens to the oaths that men and women
made between each other. In this context, Thor may
have been equally important because Thor’s hammer
Miollnir is used to sanctify the bride (Thrym’s Poem,
stanza 30; Larrington 1996:101, Neckel and Kuhn
1983:115; cf. Snorri’s Edda; Faulkes 1987:30).7 The
mythological motive in which Miollnir was used for
sanctifying marriages is otherwise unknown.
As Table 2 shows, in the six out of seven episodes
that describe the swearing of oaths, male mythological
characters swore oaths (numbers 1–6); most frequently
this was a male to male activity (nos. 2, 3, 4
and 5), but men also swore oaths to a women (no. 6)
and Gudrun (no. 7) swore an oath to Atli.
Oaths were often taken on various objects, e.g.,
on weapons, rings, and stones (cf. Riisøy 2016
[this volume]). In the eddic poems, a version of
oath swearing occurs that has been characterized
as a “poetic curse” (see more in Thorvaldsen 2010,
2011). In two elaborate and colorful speeches, uttered
by women, previous oaths were turned against
the oath-breakers, and in this process both Gudrun
and Sigrun invoked weapons (Second Poem of Helgi
Hundingsbani, stanza 32, Lay of Atli, stanza 30; Larrington
1996:138, 214; Neckel and Kuhn 1983:157,
245).
No written sources evidence that women swore
oaths on rings; however, rings found in female
graves from the Iron Age may have served this
purpose (Lund Hansen 2001:157–188). The famous
Pietroassa gold ring may have been comparable
the early 11th century. Here, the three most important
personages at the thing were sitting, King Óláf
“sat on his throne” (sat … á stóli), and likewise,
on the other side of the assembly Earl Rongvald
and Thorgný the lawman were also sitting down.
However, whereas the closest followers of the king,
earl and lawman were also seated, the vast majority
of the people assembled at the thing were standing,
such that “all around in a circle stood the multitude
of farmers” (Óláfs saga Helga, ch. 80; Hollander
1964:318–321).
Although a literal translation of rǫkstóla is something
to sit on, taking an interpretive leap, it may be
possible to infer that it points to a more abstract idea
of legal authority (cf. Hollander), or that it means
either the thing (cf. Løkka and others), or even a
hall with similar judicial functions: “The high gods
gathered in council / In their hall of judgement / all
the rulers” (Auden and Taylor 1969).
The mythology certainly alludes to the hall as
a place where judicial activities took place. The
god Forseti, whose name means, “chairman of the
thing” (Simek 1993:89), administers justice in his
hall Glitnir, where he svæfir allar sakir “puts to
sleep all quarrels” (Grimnir’s Sayings, stanza 15;
Larrington 1996:54, Neckel and Kuhn 1983:60).
A translation of sakir as “legal cases” is perfectly
possible (Storm and Hertzberg 1895:631–632) and
also more germane to the legal sphere. Furthermore,
in the real world, judicial activities may have taken
place indoors, either in a separate building (hof),
where the sacred oath-ring was kept (cf. Riisøy
2016 [this volume]), or in the hall, which is often
described as a multi-functional building for politics,
religion, and law (Brink 1996, Herschend 1998,
Sundqvist 2011:167–172). Snorri’s Edda includes
an episode that took place in a hall in Asgard, where
the gods and goddesses who were dómendr “judges”
took their places in their high seats, hásæti (Faulkes
1987:59, Jónsson 1900:68). Laws and sagas describe
the high seat as a place of the utmost sanctity from
where authority was exercised and it was clearly
also what I would call “a seat of law”, because it
was a place from where inheritance was claimed,
legal cases summoned, and judgement rendered,
and women evidently belonged in the high seat too
(Birkeli 1932:44–46, Brink 1996:246–247, Carlsson
1935:76, Rosengren 2007–2008:20–21, Taranger
1913:161–162).6
In the mythological world, the gods and the goddesses
(regin) went to their rǫkstóla to deliberate important
questions and solve cases. The rǫkstóla were
probably “special” seats either at the thing, or in
the hall. On such occasions, the act of sitting down
elevated the participants and raised the cases that
were up for discussion above ordinary affairs. The
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to oath-rings described in the later Old Norse
sources (Johnsen 1969, 1972; MacLeod and Mees
2006:173–174; Magoun 1949).8 The Pietroassa
ring was probably part of a Gothic temple-treasure
(Rodica 2004:71–77) buried in southern Romania
sometime in the first half of the 5th century A.D.
Linguistic evidence and the archaeological record
imply that the Goths migrated from the southern
parts of Scandinavia (Kaliff 2001, Strid 2010). The
Pietroassa ring bears a runic inscription in the older
futhark, which reads Gutanio wíh hailag “Gutanio,
sacred, holy” (MacLeod and Mees 2006:173–174,
Mees 2002–2003).9 Ingrid Sannes Johnsen (1972)
suggested that the inscription should read “the holy
[altar] ring of Gothic priestesses, goddesses, or
women”. This implies that females were in possession
of this ring, and Johnsen has received support
for this interpretation (Grønvik 2000:58, MacLeod
and Mees 2006:173–174, Mees 2002–2003).
Gudrun (no. 7) swore oaths “by the sacred white
stone”, and when Sigrun turned Dag’s previous
oath (no. 2) into a curse, she invoked the stone of
Unn in the process (cf. Riisøy 2016 [this volume]).
The “sacred white stones” designated certain phallic
stones, which are above all found in southwest
Norway. The stones were not unequivocal symbols
of male potency because some stones have oval hollows
or cup-marks, which may refer to the vulva,
representing the female sex (Solberg 1999:104).
They are often found in or on graves and burial
mounds and close to farms with sacred names, or in
the vicinity of medieval churches. In a legal context,
it is worthy of note that many of the churches were
erected by the ancient thing for the district (Brink
2003:62, Carlie 1999:48, Hedeager 2011:113, Solberg
1999:99–106). One place with a “sacred white
stone” is Hauge and Tu in Klepp, in Jæren in southwest
Norway. Rich archaeological finds imply that
this was a center for judicial, military, and cultic affairs
from the Roman Iron Age and through the Late
Iron Age (Sundqvist 2014). In addition, a court-yard
site (assembly) is also found here. These sites are a
typical Norwegian phenomenon, dating to the period
A.D. 200–900 (Iversen 2015 [this volume], Olsen
2015). During the Middle Ages, a thing continued
to be held at Hauge and Tu. Olof Sundqvist (2014)
argued that the aristocratic females buried in the
mounds here played an important part in the public
cults such as ceremonial feasts and the making of
divination rituals. I would like to add judicial activities
to this picture, because, as the mythology shows,
the white phallic stone may have been connected to
female oath-swearing.
As shown in Table 3, eddic personae also made
pledges. According to Enright, in the Germanic
world, women, both real and in myth, were frequently
the subjects of pledges made over drink,
e.g., Hedin (no. 3), who had chosen a bride with the
pledging-cup (Enright 1996:81). The gender roles
are not clear-cut, because as specified in Table 3,
irrespective of gender, everyone vowed to marry
someone they found attractive.
Vows were not to be taken lightly, and Brynhild
exclaimed that she would later be sorry for her vow
to marry Sigurd, because she was already married to
Gunnar (no. 1). Hedin too, regretted his words after
he pledged to have his brother’s betrothed, Svava
(no. 3). Stefán Einarsson (1968), who studied pledges
in Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse society, pointed
out that it was not unusual that people regretted their
vows, but it was shameful not to stand by them.
Trial by ordeal, a procedure whereby guilt or innocence
of the accused was decided by subjecting
them to a test is also evidenced in the eddic poems.
Such is the ordeal of the cauldron (Third Lay of
Gudrun, stanzas 6–11; Larrington 1996:204, Neckel
and Kuhn 1983:233). When Atli’s serving-maid and
former mistress Herika accused Gudrun of adultery,
both women had to reach down to the bottom of a
cauldron to pick up hot stones. Gudrun’s hands were
fine, and hence she was acquitted of the charge.
Herika’s hands were scalded, and consequently she
was drowned in a bog (see below). The underlying
idea of this ordeal is that the innocent would not be
burnt (Bartlett 1986:2). On the Continent during the
Early Middle Ages, ordeals were held in Christian
as well as non-Christian contexts, and the Church
was probably forced to adapt itself to this procedure
Table 2. Swearing oaths: the parties involved, poems and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983
(Old Norse) and Larrington 1996 (translation).
Neckel and
No. Oath-swearer Poem, stanza Kuhn Larrington
1. Odin: ring-oath Sayings of the High One, 110 34 29
2. King Nadud swore to Volund on weapons and a ship Lay of Volund, 33 122 107
3. Hogni’s son swore to the Volsungs A Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, prologue 154 136
4. Sigurd: swore to a lady, Hogni and to Gunnar Gripir’s Prophecy 46; Fragment of a Poem 171, 198, 149, 174,
about Sigurd 2; A Short Poem about Sigurd, 28 211 186
5. Sigurd accepted oaths from brothers A Short Poem about Sigurd, 1 207 182
6. Men violated oaths to Brynhild Brynhild’s Ride to Hell, 5 220 193
7. Gudrun swore to Atli, on a sacred white stone Third Lay of Gudrun, 3 232 203
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“ring”, which reflects the idea that the ring was the
most sought after and honorable item of compensation,
and rygr, which means woman and also húsfreya
(Fritzner [vol. III] 1973:141).
In some situations, compensation would simply
not do, and the family took upon itself to ensure that
revenge was carried out. Traditionally it has been
considered a female task to set in motion revenge
through goading (Mundal 1999, 2001), however as
Table 5 shows, men also goaded.
Often the offended party considered revenge
more honorable than compensation, and the “ethics
of revenge” is expressed by Regin who goaded Sigurd
to kill Fafnir (no. 2):
Hátt muno hlæia / Hundings synir,
þeir er Eylima / aldrs synioðo,
ef meirr tiggia / munar at sækia
hringa rauða / enn hefnd fǫður
Loudly would the sons of Hunding laugh,
they who snatched the life of Eylimi,
if the prince had a greater lust to gain red gold
than to avenge his father.
Similarly, law rooted in pre-Christian society
presupposed revenge, and it should be stressed that
this expectation was irrespective of gender. The Older
Law of the Gulathing states that a person (maðr),
whether a man (karl) or woman (kona), had the right
to compensation only three times—unless the wrong
had been avenged in the meantime (G 186; Eithun et.
al. 1994:120, Keyser and Munch 1846:68).
In the eddic poems, not only men but also women
sought revenge, and as seen in Table 6, Gudrun,
above all, stands out (for an overview of Gundrun’s
genealogies, see Larrington [1996:xxxiii]).
during the Christianization of the Germanic peoples
(Nilsson 2001:505).
The eddic examples are too few to discern any
clear gender divisions regarding involvement in legal
procedures; both males and female swore oaths,
received oaths, and made pledges. The only eddic
example of the ordeal of the cauldron involved
women, but it is impossible to draw firm conclusions
from one example only. Also, women in the
real world, in Norway in particular, were in various
ways involved in legal procedure, and examples
from laws, sagas, and diplomas from the Viking age
to the Middle Ages evidence that they raised cases
and gave testimonies (Mundal 1994).
From Wrongs to Revenge
Compensation was often offered or paid in cases
of killings, and as shown in Table 4, compensation
normally consisted of a ring (baugr or hringr), but
also swords, horses, and unspecified “riches” (auðr)
were considered suitable.
As specified in Table 4, it was mostly men who
offered or paid compensation; the only exception is
Queen Grimhild who offered her daughter Gudrun
“red rings” (hringa rauða) for the dead prince.
Also, in the real world, a woman was entitled by
law to receive and pay compensation in rings. Such
a person was a so-called “Ring lady” (baugrýgr),
whose rights are described in the earliest laws of
Norway and Iceland (G 275, F VI 4; Keyser and
Munch 1846:275, 184–185; cf. Grágás 113; Dennis
et. al. 1980:181; cf. Klos 2007). A baugrýgr was an
unmarried woman who had inherited her position as
head of the family, with all associated duties, privileges,
and rights. Baugrýgr is a compound of baugr
Table 4. Offering and paying compensation: the parties involved, item offered, poem and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where
found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983 (Old Norse) and Larrington 1996 (translation).
Neckel and
No. Who offered or paid Receiver Compensation item Poem, stanza Kuhn Larrington
1. Harbard Thor Ring Harbard’s Song, 42 85 75
2. Bragi Loki Sword, horse, ring Loki’s Quarrel, 12 98–99 87
3. Dag Sigrun Rings, farms Second Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, 35 158 138
4. “the son of Sigmund” Brynhild Rings A Short Poem about Sigurd, 38 213 187
5. Gunnar and Hogni Gudrun Gold Second Lay of Gudrun, 18 227 198
6. Grimhild Gudrun Rings Second Lay of Gudrun, 25 228 199
7. Sigmund’s son The sons of Riches and rings First Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, 11 131 116
Hunding (demanded)
Table 3. Pledges: the parties involved, pledges made, poems and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn
1983 (Old Norse) and Larrington 1996 (translation).
Neckel and
No. Who made pledge Pledged to marry Poem, stanza Kuhn Larrington
1. Brynhild Sigurd A Short Poem about Sigurd, 6, 7 208 183
2. Sigrdrifa A man who showed no fear Lay of Sigrdrifa, prologue 190 167
3. Hedin Svava Poem of Helgi Hiorvardsson, prologue ,32, 33 147 129
4. Hiorvard Most beautiful of all women Poem of Helgi Hiorvardsson, prologue 140 123
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Atli killed her brothers, Gunnar and Hogni, Gudrun
retaliated (no. 6). First she killed the sons she had
with Atli, then she killed Atli, and she finished off
by burning down the hall.
The eddic poems also mention hangings, which
are listed in Table 7. Both trees (tré or vargtré, nos.
1 and 3) and the gallows (gàlga, nos. 2 and 4), an
erected instrument, were used. Hanging was an old
Germanic punishment, used against thieves in particular
(Gade 1985, Ström 1942:115–161), and as
Table 7 shows, this punishment was predominantly
used for males in the eddic poems. This distinction
may be connected to gendered notions about the
body, because the male body and male shame was
on public display through hanging, whereas it
was important to shield the female body (Ekholst
2009:274–275).
Concluding Remarks
As I have argued here, when Frigg attended the
thing and made everyone swear not to harm Baldr,
she is not exceptional. Many eddic females, either
acting as a group or as individuals, were in various
ways involved in the legal sphere.
The norns operated as a collective of females who
procured primal law, and because they controlled
Gudrun incited her sons Hamdir and Sorli to
kill Iormunrekk because he had caused the death of
Svanhild, Gudrun’s daughter from her first marriage
to Sigurd. Iormunrekk, Svanhild’s husband, had let
Svanhild be trampled with horses (no. 7). At the
time when Gudrun was married to Atli, Herika, one
of Atli’s serving-maids, accused Gudrun of adultery.
When Herika failed the ordeal, and consequently
drowned in a bog, Gudrun felt she had “avenged
her wrong” (no. 5). Tacitus (Germania 12.1; Rives
2002:82) noted that the Germans used drowning in
a bog as one form of punishment (Ström 1986:231).
Many bog-bodies, with a chronological concentration
in the Early Iron Age, have been found in northwestern
Europe where they have been preserved in
wet, oxygen-starved environments (Glob 1965:84,
Randsborg 2015:1–22). The bog-bodies have been
variously explained as sacrifices, criminals who
were punished, outcasts, sorcerers, or legal hostages
that were killed in anger over broken treaty arrangements
(Randsborg 2015:8). There appears to be no
“one-fits-all” explanation, but what is important
here is to point out that some bog-bodies may reflect
punishments. Folke Ström (1942:178–188) found
support for this theory in Old Norse and earlier
continental Germanic sources. Gudrun was involved
in yet another revenge-episode when her husband
Table 6. Revenge: the parties involved, poem and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983 (Old Norse)
and Larrington 1996 (translation).
No. Executes or plans revenge Poem, stanza Neckel and Kuhn Larrington
1. Vidar, avenges his father Odin Seeress’s Prophecy, 54 13 11
2. Ægir plans revenge on the gods Hymir’s Poem, 3 88 78
3. Volund: rape, killing Lay of Volund, 24–28 121 106
4. Vali: born to avenge Baldr’s death Baldr’s Dreams,10–11, Song of Hyndla, 29 278, 293 244, 257
5. Gudrun, over Herika The Third Lay of Gudrun, 11 233 204
6. Gudrun, over Atli The Lay of Atli 240–247 210–216
7. Gudrun, over Iormunrekk The Lay of Hamdir 269–274 238–242
Table 5. Goading: the parties involved, poem and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983 (Old Norse)
and Larrington 1996 (translation).
No. Inciter Who was goaded Poem, stanza Neckel and Kuhn Larrington
1. Harbard Princes Harbard’s Song, 24 82 73
2. Regin Sigurd The Lay of Regin, prologue, 15 177 154
3. Brynhild Gunnar A Short Poem about Sigurd, 10 208 183
4. Gunnar and Hogni Their brother A Short Poem about Sigurd, 20, 21 210 185
5. Gudrun Her sons The Lay of Hamdir, 2; The Whetting of Gudrun, 1–3 269, 264 238, 234–235
Table 7. Hangings: the parties involved, poem and stanzas referenced, and page numbers where found in Neckel and Kuhn 1983 (Old
Norse) and Larrington 1996 (translation).
No. Who Poem, stanza Neckel and Kuhn Larrington
1. Unspecified corpse Sayings of the High One, 157 43 37
2. Threaten men with hanging Greenlandic poem of Atli, 22, 39 251, 253 221, 223
3. Man The Lay of Hamdir, 17 271 240
4. Wishes men hanged The Lay of Hamdir, 21 272 241
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fate, they may have been more powerful than the
gods and goddesses. Also, the dísir, attached to the
blót and thing held at Uppsala, and other places emulating
Uppsala in name and function, must have been
important.
In heathen mythology, the thing was located
in close proximity to the norns, and normally the
gods and the goddesses came together to the thing
for deliberation. In addition, the goddesses went to
the rǫkstóla, whether these were judgement seats,
the thing, or the hall, and participated alongside
the gods. Snorri’s Edda observes that “no less holy
are the Asyniur, nor is their power less” (Faulkes
1987:21), and this comment is probably spot on.
Mythological females also took an active part in
various forms of legal procedures; they took oaths,
received oaths, and made pledges. In the world of
the eddic poems, killings and other kinds of wrongdoings
frequently took place. Compensation, or
the more honorable alternative of revenge, settled
various wrongs. In cases where compensation was
offered and received, more males than females were
involved, but it is important to stress that females
were not excluded. Revenge was often set in motion
through goading, and although goading has traditionally
been seen as a female activity, mythological
men also acted as inciters.
A comparison with other sources, e.g., the earliest
Nordic laws, show that the world of heathen
myth was enacted on earth since women attended
assemblies, were involved in legal procedure, and
were obliged to pay and receive compensation.
Women from the upper echelons of Late Iron Age
society had various important functions that clearly
also extended into the public sphere, and as I have
argued here, functions relating to law were not exclusively
reserved for men, neither in the mythological
nor real worlds.
Acknowledgments
My sincere thanks go to Dr. Alexandra Sanmark (University
of the Highlands and Islands) and Professor Frode
Iversen (Museum of Cultural History in Oslo), for discussions,
critical reading, and comments with regards to this
manuscript. Thanks also to the two anonymous reviewers
for their valuable input.
Literature Cited
Auden W.H., and Taylor P.B. 1969. The Elder Edda: A
Selection. Faber, London, UK. 173 pp.
Bartlett, R. 1986. Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval
Judicial Ordeal. Clarendon Press, Oxford, UK. 182 pp.
Bammesberger, A. 2007. The etymology of the Germanic
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Endnotes
1Legal Knowledge in Eddic Poetry. What was it, who possessed
it, and whom had access to it? presented at the
3rd International St Magnus Conference, Visualising the
North, held in the Orkney Islands 14–16 April 2016. This
paper will be published at a later date.
2King Athils was at a sacrifice to the Dísir, but when he
rode a horse around the hall of the goddess, the horse
stumbled and fell, and the king was thrown forward and
broke his skull (Saga of Ynglings, ch. 29; Hollander
1964:33–34). This story may reflect an ancient authentic
ceremony, and King Athils may have ruled ca. A.D. 575
(Sundqvist 2002:229). Another reference to the dísarsalr
“the hall of the Dís” include the Saga of King Heidrek
the Wise (Tolkien 1960:7). See also Gunnell (2000) and
Näsström (2003:109).
3Sigrun and Brynhild are called dís scioldunga (The Second
Poem of Helgi Hundingsbani, stanza 51, Fragment
of a Poem about Sigurd, stanza 14; Neckel and Kuhn
1983:161, 200), meaning they were members of the
Scyldings, the legendary family from Lejre on the island
of Zealand, Denmark (Niles 2007). A parallel is probably
Queen Waltheow in the Anglo-Saxon poem Beowulf
(composed A.D. 650–850; Chickering 2006:247–248),
who is called ides Helminga and ides Scyldinga (Beowulf,
620, 1165; Chickering 2006:84,116). Women with the
byname dís belonged to the uppermost echelons in society,
and they may have had cultic functions (Sundqvist
2007:61–62). A female with a dís-name that was also a
gyðia is Hlédís, who is listed among Ottar’s ancestors
(Song of Hyndla, stanza 13; Neckel and Kuhn 1983:290).
4A transcript of this runic inscription, including translations
into English and Swedish are found in Sundqvist
(2002:79) and Sundqvist (2007:59). Among Odindisa’s
accomplishments, the inscription says that she byi raðr.
This expression indicates that she had an important role
on the farm and beyond. The verb ráða covers a wide
range of types of authority, it may be translated as “to
advise, counsel, rule, deal with, take care of, interpret”
and by could also be a very broad term, denoting anything
from a farm to a larger settlement district (Jesch 2011,
Sundqvist 2002:79).
5The expression “waxing and waning moon” is also found
in sagas and in the most archaic passages in the provincial
laws (Nordberg 2006:68–70), e.g., in a paragraph concerning
the buying and selling of slaves (G 57; Keyser
and Munch 1846:29) and in a regulation of a similar case
in the þiuuæ bollkær (“Section on Theft”) in the Older
Law of Västergötland (chapter 19; Schlyter 1827:60).
6High seats are evidenced archaeologically, and Brink
(1996:246–247) mentions as an example Högom in
Medelpad in Sweden, an Iron Age chieftain’s hall where
an elevated base in the middle of the building may have
been a high seat. For more examples, see Rosengren
(2007–2008).
7The function of Var may still linger. In Swedish vårdtecken,
which used to be spelled vahrtekn “a token of Var”,
appears in the marriage service in the Swedish Lutheran
Church: Som ett vårdtecken giver jag dig denna ring “as a
token I give thee this ring” (Näsström 2003:82).
8The items were deliberately chosen, and deposited in
pairs, for example two neck-rings of gold and two jugs,
and they have therefore been interpreted as a temple-treasure.
Around A.D 400, the Goths inhabited the area where
the Pietroassa ring was found (Rodica 2004:71–77).
9The Pietroassa ring was stolen and vandalized by a thief
in 1875, and the thief’s blade cut through the ring. A photograph
taken of the ring was published by the London
Arundel Society in 1869, and Mees (2002–2003) made
used this picture in his study.