Journal of the North Atlantic
S.V. Arge
2014 Special Volume X
1
Introduction
The Faroe Islands are a group of some 18 islands
located in the North Atlantic almost midway between
Norway, Iceland, and Scotland. The islands,
separated by narrow fjords and sounds, together
have an area of ~1400 km2. When the first Viking
settlers arrived, they encountered a landscape
characterized by grasses, sedges, and ericaceous
shrubs. Woodlands—small groups of juniper and
birch—seem to have been of minor importance. In
other words, the landscape was rather similar to
what we see today (Bradshaw et al. 2010, Lawson
et al. 2005). The rugged topography of the islands
restricted the settlements mainly to the coastal strips
along the sounds and the fjords.
Whether these settlers came directly from the
east—from a Norwegian homeland—or from the
south—via northern Scotland and Ireland, as indicated
by archaeological and recent genetic evidence
(Als et al. 2006)—they brought with them a Norse
or Hiberno-Norse culture, which was subsequently
adapted to local conditions in the North Atlantic.
Settlement and Architecture
The first proper archaeological excavation in
the Faroes took place in 1941 at the site of “Niðri á
Toft”, located in the village of Kvívík on the island
of Streymoy (Fig. 1). Through the excavation of this
site, which was carried out over several seasons in
the 1940s and 1950s, archaeological remains from
the islands’ early history were brought to light for
the very first time. This site has since been regarded
as the classic example of a Faroese Viking farm
(Dahl 1951). However, more recent re-analysis of
the excavation has modified this interpretation to
some extent (Matras 2005).
Methodologically, I believe most of the attention
in the excavations at “Niðri á Toft” was focused on
the oldest phases at the site, those dating to the Viking
period, rather than the later Medieval deposits.
The excavation method employed did not follow
stratigraphic sequence, and consequently Medieval
artifacts were mixed with those from the Viking period
during recovery.
Research on settlement-development histories in
the Faroes has revealed a settlement pattern characterized
by a long continuity. In general, the locations
of settlements in existence today appear to be the
same places settled during the Viking landnám (first
settlement) period. Therefore settlements at the
so-called heimrust—the proper settlement area in
the village—in some instances have been traced archaeologically
from the present back into the Viking
Period, and the Viking farm in Kvívík is an excellent
example of one such site (Arge 2005).
Where conditions have been favorable, this
continuity of settlement has led to the creation of
farm-mounds, a phenomenon also known from other
regions of the Norse and Viking world (Arge 2005).
In the decades since the excavations in Kvívík were
carried out, other Viking settlement remains have
been mapped and investigated around the Faroe
Islands, both within the infields and in the outfields
as well (Arge et al. 2005). I turn now to a brief summary
of some of these.
Overview of Recent Archaeological Research
Toftanes
It was not until the excavation of the site of “Á
Toftanesi” in the village of Leirvík, during the period
of 1982–1987, that a Viking Age farm was investigated
which provided a clearer picture of the layout and
function of a Viking Age settlement compared to the
site at “Niðri á Toft” in Kvívík (Fig. 2; Hansen 2013).
The farm consisted of four buildings. The dwelling,
a longhouse, measured some 20 m in length,
Viking Faroes: Settlement, Paleoeconomy, and Chronology
Símun V. Arge*
Abstract - The paper presents a synopsis of the current evidence for the settlement chronology and Viking Age to Early Medieval
paleoeconomy of the Faroe Islands. Special emphasis is placed on the recent interdisciplinary research carried out in
the village of Sandur, on the island of Sandoy, as part of the Heart of the Atlantic project. A particularly important outcome
of this recent work has been the wide application of scientific dating methods to the early settlement remains. Recent AMS
radiocarbon dates push the earliest settlement of the islands further back in time than traditionally thought, results that are
of great importance because the Faroes were the first stepping-stone for the Viking diaspora west across the North Atlantic.
Viking Settlers of the North Atlantic: An Isotopic Approach
Journal of the North Atlantic
*Søvn Landsins - Føroya Fornminnissavn, Faroe Islands National Heritage. Archives, Library and Museums, Kúrdalsvegur
15, PO Box 1155, FO-110 Tórshavn; svarge@savn.fo.
2014 Special Volume X:XX–XX
Journal of the North Atlantic
S.V. Arge
2014 Special Volume X
2
Figure 1. The Viking farm at “Niðri á Toft” in Kvívík. Photograph © S.V. Arge.
Figure 2. The Viking farm at Toftanes, Leirvík, seen from north. Photograph © S.S. Hansen.
Journal of the North Atlantic
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with an internal width of 5 m. The curved walls
were 1 m thick and were made of outer and inner
dry-stone walling infilled with turf to provide a
more windproof structure. The middle of the western
half of the building had a fireplace almost 5 m
long, while the eastern end may have contained a
byre. Added to the southern wall of the longhouse
was a small structure with a floor space of ~12 m².
The wall of the western gable was probably wooden.
On the northern side of the longhouse was another
building, measuring 13 m long and 4 m wide. Its
walls were constructed of only a single course of
dry-stone walling without turf, and its function has
preliminary been interpreted as an outhouse, perhaps
for use in craft and/or food-production activities. A
small building, 5 m long and 3 m wide, was located
close to the northern side of the longhouse. The side
walls of this structure were constructed in the same
manner as those of the dwelling; while the west gable
wall was probably wooden, the eastern end was
missing, due to erosion by a stream. The floor was
paved with flat stones and covered with thick layers
of ashes and charcoal, and there was a small stonebuilt
ember pit in the eastern end. This structure has
been interpreted as a firehouse (Hansen 1991, 2013).
As is the case with other farmsteads known from
this period, the buildings at Toftanes were primarily
constructed of wood, though with thick insulating
outer walls of stone and earth. Even though building
timber was scarce in the Faroes—or was at least
not a widely available local natural resource—the
Norwegian/Scandinavian tradition of wooden
stave-building was employed, albeit with modifications
to suit local natural conditions—it was part
of a widespread tradition throughout the so-called
Viking World (Hansen 1999, Stoklund 1984, Thorsteinsson
1982).
The artifacts recovered at Toftanes are of particular
interest. These include schist querns and a
large number of steatite objects, such as fragments
of bowls and saucepans, spindle whorls and line- or
net-sinkers for fishing, and whetstones. As steatite is
not locally available, these objects must have been
imported, presumably from Norway (Hansen 2013).
Only a few artifacts made of local stone (e.g., basalt
and tufa) were found. Also recovered were very
large numbers of well-preserved wooden objects,
such as bowls, spoons, and barrel staves. A large
amount of the wooden objects consisted of cords
of twined juniper branches, several meters long,
which no doubt were used as handles for barrels and
as ropes for roof stones (Larsen 1991). While most
of the stone artifacts may have been imported from
Norway, the quernstone material seems to originate
from the British Isles (Hansen 2013). The site’s artifact
assemblage also includes imported goods and
jewellery originating from the Irish Sea region, most
notably two ringed pins of Hiberno-Norse type and
a jet bracelet (Hansen 1993, 2013). The settlement
at Toftanes, which is the best-known example of a
Viking Period farm in the Faroes, has been dated to
the 9th–10th centuries (Vickers et al. 2005, Edwards
and Schofield 2013)). Contrary to the following
case, Toftanes represents an example of a permanent
settlement located within the infields.
Argisbrekka
From early on, philologists paid special attention
to the existence of place-names containing the Celtic
name element “ærgi” or “argi”, which may have
entered the Norse language during the 9th century
(Matras 1933, 1956). It was assumed that this placename
referred to something like shielings, small
dwellings located in the highlands summer grazing
pastures. Archaeological surveys of the 18 localities
retaining such place names in the Faroes—all but
one situated in the outfields—found small ruins at
several of these localities. Archaeological excavation
at one of these sites, Ergidalur, in the outfield
of the village of Hovi on the island of Suðuroy,
revealed that it was a Viking-period summer or seasonal
settlement (Dahl 1970:362).
Prompted by the planned damming of Lake
Eiðisvatn in the northernmost part of the island of
Eysturoy, extensive archaeological excavations
were conducted at the site Argisbrekka from 1983
to 1987 (Mahler 1991, 1998, 2007). The site is located
in the outfield of the present village of Eiði,
at an altitude of 130 m above sea level (Fig. 3).
The archaeological features can be grouped into
roughly two settlement areas, with the remains
of 8 and 13 buildings unearthed in the two areas,
respectively. Within these two areas, there were
two to three places containing lesser constructions,
each consisting of a residential house and one or
two outhouses, interpreted as working and storage
structures. All were constructed with walls of turf,
sand, clay, and pebbles and all were relatively
small, measuring around 7 to 8 m long and 3 to 4
m wide or smaller. Stratigraphic evidence indicates
that two of the shielings were in operation simultaneously,
during the area’s last active period in the
Viking Age (Mahler 2007). Functionally, the Faroese
ærgir are reminiscent of the Norwegian fulltime
shielings.
Stratigraphic and radiocarbon evidence indicate
a commencement of activities in the eastern area
of the site sometime during the 9th century, with a
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Figure 3. The Viking shieling at Argisbrekka, Eysturoy. Map showing the primary investigation area. The shaded house
structures show the latest structural remains in each of the tw o settlement areas. From Mahler (2007).
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cessation of all activity in this area sometime during
the middle of the 11th century (Mahler 2007).
Interestingly, with the exception of the presence of
local ceramics, the Argisbrekka assemblage does
not differ significantly from that recovered at the
contemporary primary (non-shieling) farm site at
Toftanes. The local ceramics are a unique category
of artifact in Faroese archaeology, documented from
the late 10th into the 19th centuries (Arge 1991, 1997;
Mahler 2008).
We must conclude that in the Viking period the
ærgi and the permanent farm were closely linked elements
of the domestic economy, traces of which are
widely distributed throughout the Faroes. The operational
method was, however, adjusted to local conditions,
as was the case with regard to sheep-milking
methods (Thorsteinsson 1977). Shielings are not
mentioned in the Sheep Letter of 1298, a special
enactment for the Faroes that dealt primarily with
the legislation of sheep farming. It therefore seems
safe to conclude that a combination of a greater emphasis
on fishing and extensive sheep farming led to
the disappearance of the ærgir as part of an outdated
agricultural practice in the Faroes (Mahler 2007).
“Við Kirkjugarð” in Sandur, Sandoy
The village of Sandur is one of the largest and
wealthiest agricultural communities in the Faroes,
and has likely been a prominent community since
the first farming settlers arrived in the Viking period
(Fig. 4; Arge 2001). Until the first half of the 20th
century, the local church site was rather isolated
from the rest of the village (Krogh 1983), a situation
which is uncommon in the Faroes. However, ever
since the discovery of an 11th-century coin hoard
(the only one of its kind yet found in the islands) in
Figure 4. Sandur. The church site is central in the photo. The investigated site Junkarinsfløttur is located in the eroding cliff
edge along the green fields between the church site and the beac h. Photograph © S.V. Arge.
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the churchyard in 1863, there had long been speculation
that the site would yield further archaeological
remains (Steen Jensen 2004).
When the first archaeological excavation in Sandur
took place in 1969/1970, efforts were focused
within the actual church (Krogh 1975, 1983). The
results were quite interesting and rather unexpected,
with the remains of five successive churches discovered
below the present one, which was built in 1839.
The oldest, a small single-aisled stave church, was
dated to the 11th century. Shortly after this initial
excavation, plans to extend the churchyard led to
the archaeological excavation of test trenches in
the ~3000-m2 extension area, revealing extensive
Viking-period remains. Since then, Føroya Fornminnissavn
(the Faroe National Museum) has periodically
undertaken archaeological excavations in the
churchyard to allow for the release of additional
burial plots. In 1972, a small-scale excavation in the
old churchyard revealed the eastern gable and wellpreserved
stone-paved floor of a structure. These
remains were interpreted as part of a boat-shaped
longhouse, potentially the dwelling of a farm. It
is very likely the coin hoard was placed below the
paved floor of this building by the end of the 11th
century, based on the description of the hoard’s discovery,
indicating that the building was in use during
the 11th century at least (Krogh 1975, 1983).
In 1989, 11 graves were uncovered in the
churchyard, 7 of which were excavated (Arge and
Hartmann 1992). Prior to this discovery, the only
known Viking-period burial site in the Faroes was
at “Yviri í Trøð” in the village of Tjørnuvík. Excavated
in 1956, the site has been dated to the 10th
century, based on both archaeologically and radiocarbon
evidence (Arge 2001:11, Dahl and Rasmussen
1956). The graveyard at Sandur appears to be
well-regulated, with a series of burials placed endto-
end in a number of more-or-less parallel rows.
All of the graves are aligned almost east–west, and
all of the excavated skeletons lay with their skulls
pointing west. Though the state of preservation of
the osseous material was very poor, dental enamel
was found preserved in all of the excavated graves.
The artifacts recovered from these graves can be
classified as personal belongings, and include, for
example, silver and bronze finger rings, bone beads,
glass and amber objects, and iron knives. Two of the
individuals had each been buried with an iron knife,
the handle of which was entwined with thin silver
threads; one of these individuals, a young man, also
had a pouch, possibly woven, containing a leather
purse with 7 plain lead weights. Other notable finds
from this grave included a bronze strap-end ornamented
with an animal head, a bronze fragment decorated
with an interlaced motif of Irish origin, and
some small silver fragments. Additionally, one of the
graves contained a clipped Cufic (Arabic) coin, the
only such coin found in the Faroes thus far; this find
has been identified as a late 9th-century imitation of
an Abbasid-style dirhem, and it may be suggestive of
burial in Sandur during the mid-10th century (Blackburn
2005, Graham-Campbell 2005). Compared to
Viking-period burials in both Scotland and Iceland,
it is remarkable that 3 of the 7 graves contained silver
and/or silver-ornamented artifacts, including the
silver coin fragment. These burials clearly indicate
the presence of a high-status settlement at the site.
In contrast to sites such as Toftanes, the archaeological
remains uncovered in the Sandur churchyard—
the site of “Við Kirkjugarð”—reflect a variety
of features and structures which, together with the
waste and midden deposits (including ash, slag,
and large deposits of fire-cracked stones), appear
to document activities more characteristic of an industrial
zone than domestic space (Arge 2001). For
example, the best preserved building, a 5 m x 5 m
structure excavated in 2008–2009, contained thick
layers of burnt material, including large pieces of
charcoal and significant amounts of charred barley,
and was clearly associated with some kind of barley
processing. AMS radiocarbon assays of 2 charred
barley samples produced very early dates (Arge and
Friel 2009; Arge et al., forthcoming), which I shall
return to later in this paper.
“Á Sondum” in Sandur, Sandoy
On the northern shore of the bay of Sandsvágur
lies the farm site of “Á Sondum”, an excellent example
of a settlement-period farm mound. Referenced
in written records in 1412, “Á Sondum” is the only
farm site in the Faroes mentioned by name in a medieval
document (Thorsteinsson 1979). The site was
first archaeologically assessed in 1994 with a smallscale
excavation of the eroding cliff face, conducted
as part of a Nordic amateur archaeologist camp and
overseen by myself and a Danish colleague (Jensen
1995). In 2006–2007, the Heart of the Atlantic
project provided an opportunity to re-investigate the
site. These excavations revealed a 3-m-deep multiperiod
sequence of midden and structural remains,
from 19th-century midden deposits at the top of the
eroding section to a large, truncated, Norse rectilinear
structure—a Viking longhouse—towards the
base (Church et al. 2013). The longhouse featured a
2-m-wide external wall, a large central hearth, floor
surfaces, and internal features, including a barrel pit.
Four radiocarbon dates on carbonized barley grains
from the central hearth and an external midden
dated the longhouse occupation to the initial Viking
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Figure 5. “Á Sondum,” Sandur. Remains of the southern wall of a Viking longhouse at the bottom of the eroding cliff.
Photograph © S.V. Arge.
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of stratified midden deposits preserved in the sandy
matrix (Arge et al. 2010). Similar (though far less
well-preserved) midden deposits were recovered at
the site of “Á Sondum” across the bay, and these
two sites must be characterized as Viking- to Medieval-
period settlement mounds (Arge 2001, Arge
et al. 2010, Church et al. 2005). The reports on the
archaeofauna from these two sites are the first substantial
published zooarchaeology from the Faroes
(Brewington 2006, 2010, 2011). The excavated deposits
at “Undir Junkarinsfløtti” have been divided
into five phases dating from the 9th century to the
Late- or Post-Medieval period. The exceptional
preservation conditions at “Undir Junkarinsfløtti”
have produced a massive archaeofaunal assemblage;
to date, nearly 60,000 bone and shell fragments have
been analyzed. The preliminary analysis of material
presents a diverse range of economic practices
employed by the Norse settlers at a key time and
geographical position in their expansion across the
North Atlantic. Characteristic of the archaeofauna is
the large proportions of wild resources, particularly
seabirds, fish, and molluscs (Fig. 6). There is a relatively
small percentage of domestic mammals in
the total number of specimens identifiable to species
level in all three phases. Thus, the economic strategy
colonization of the 9th century (Fig. 5; Church et al.
2013).
Environmental Archaeology and Viking Faroese
Paleoeconomy
“Undir Junkarinsfløtti” in Sandur, Sandoy
In 1989, a phosphate survey of a long-cultivated
field north of the church in Sandur suggested the
presence of a large settlement area (Arge 2001). In
the summer of 2000, erosion of the cliff face just
below these fields exposed deep cultural deposits.
This discovery spurred the launch of an interdisciplinary,
international collaboration at the site—the
Heart of the Atlantic project—beginning in 2003
as part of the Leverhulme Trust-funded Landscapes
Circum-Landnám project. This work has been a
North Atlantic Biocultural Organization (NABO)
cooperative effort, involving the Faroe National Museum
as lead institution, together with institutions
such as the City University of New York, University
of Bradford, Durham University, and University of
Stirling (Arge et al. 2010).
Excavations at the site of “Undir Junkarinsfløtti”
were focused not only on the multiple phases of
structural remains represented but also on the ~3 m
Figure 6. “Undir Junkarinsfløtti,” Sandur. Major Archaeofauna. The phase UJF 0 represents the earliest, ephemeral deposits;
UJF 1 is dated to 9th–12th centuries cal AD; UJF 2 to 11th–12th centuries cal AD, and UJF 3 to 11th–13th centuries cal AD.
From Brewington (2011).
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at the site appears to have relied heavily upon the
exploitation of a broad spectrum of the local wild
resources to supplement a mixed agricultural base of
animal husbandry and cereal cultivation.
Domestic mammals recovered included sheep,
cows, and pigs, with single bones of goat and dog
(Fig. 7). Significant numbers of pig bones were
recovered throughout the sequence, indicating sustained
pig keeping up to and beyond the 13th century,
a situation unique compared to Iceland and Greenland
(Brewington 2011). Pig-herding is not known
in post-Reformation traditional Faroese agriculture
(Arge et al. 2009). Seabirds also comprised a large
proportion of the archaeofauna. The settlers at the
site of “Undir Junkarinsfløtti” remained dependent
upon seabirds, especially puffins, far longer and to
a much greater degree than any of the other Viking
Age settlers of the North Atlantic islands (Brewington
and McGovern 2008). A wide range of marine
resources, particularly Atlantic cod, were also recovered,
further emphasizing the key role of wild
resources in the Faroese paleoeconomy.
Recent isotopic analyses of Faroese human and
animal bones indicate that 20–40% of the dietary
protein was of marine origin, a level somewhat
higher than that for contemporary Icelanders but less
than that of the Norse Greenlanders (Arneborg et al.
2008). Both the Icelanders and the Faroese seem to
have had a stable diet from the landnám up into the
Middle Ages, in contrast to Greenland where the
diet shifted from a relatively terrestrial to a predominantly
marine base (Arneborg et al. 2008).
Paleobotanical remains were also retrieved from
at “Undir Junkarinsfløtti” and at “Á Sondum,” providing
evidence of plant use at the sites. A major
consideration for the Norse in the Faroes would
have been the procurement of wood; the islands
never sustained extensive woodland, and heather
and juniper were the only wood resource available
at settlement (Church et al. 2005). However, fragments
of various coniferous species would have
arrived as driftwood and could have been collected
from the shore. Wood charcoal was very rare in
the archaeological assemblage in Sandur, and consisted
of locally derived roundwood, coniferous
driftwood, and imported oak (Church et al. 2005).
Rather, peat and turf were the main fuel sources in
the treeless Faroese landscape. A hulled six-row
barley monoculture appears to have been in place,
with small-scale yet intensive cultivation undertaken.
Cereal cultivation seems to have played a lesser
role in the economy than in other areas of the eastern
North Atlantic, however, and some of the barley
may have been imported (Church et al. 2005).
“Undir Junkarinsfløtti” represents a key site for
investigating the early Faroese paleoeconomy. To
Figure 7. “Undir Junkarinsfløtti,” Sandur. Major Domesticates. From Brewington 2011.
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supported the traditionally accepted archaeological
chronology for the Viking-period settlement of the
islands. One quite obvious reason for these differing
outcomes between the two camps has been the absence
of research aimed at the sampling of paleobotanic
remains from archaeological contexts. However,
recent years have seen a renewed emphasis on the
dating of human-induced landscape and vegetational
change (e.g., Hannon 1999). Most recently, the topic
has been addressed as part of the aforementioned
Landscapes Circum-Landám project, leading to a
more complete picture of the vegetational history of
the islands (Lawson et al. 2005).
It has gradually become more common to incorporate
a range of archaeological science methods
into research projects in the Faroes. The Heart of
the Atlantic project in Sandur exemplifies this new
approach, with 36 AMS radiocarbon dates having
been obtained from the deeply-stratified (~3 m)
sites of “Undir Junkarinsfløtti” and “Á Sondum”
(Church et al. 2005). At “Undir Junkarinsfløtti,”
24 radiocarbon assays were taken in an effort to
establish an absolute chronology for the site. Five
phases identified in the midden deposits: the earliest
was dated to the 9th–12th centuries A.D. and the
latest, representing the amended soil and topsoil, to
the late- and post-Medieval periods. Additionally,
previously sampled material from the site at Toftanes
has now been re-dated under the Landscapes
Circum-Landám project, and the results from these
three sites show contemporary early-Viking period
activities (Church et al. 2005, Edwards and Borthwick
2010b, Vickers et al. 2005).
One early archaeological investigation that has
been particularly intriguing for quite some time was
carried out in 1952 at the site of “Undir Keisarafløt -
ti,” in the village of Norðragøta, Eysturoy. Structural
remains had been exposed on the beach at the site
by severe storms during the 1940s (Arge 1990:80)
(Fig. 8). The small-scale excavation in 1952 revealed
stone-lined drains and the remains of a stone
wall that had been erected on a turf layer. This turf
layer was situated some 60 cm below the surface at
high tide, and geological analysis suggested that the
land had sunk about 2 m since the formation of the
turf layer. The finds recovered from the site included
twined juniper ropes. Conventional radiocarbon
analysis of a sample of the ropes taken a number of
years ago produced relatively early dates (A.D. 670–
860 [K-6120], see Fig. 9;); though these pre-date
the traditionally-accepted settlement of the Faroes,
they do fall in line with other early dates recently
obtained from other sites in the islands. The most
recently acquired of these early dates come from
understand this archaeological evidence, we must
assume that this site is part of an extensive settlement
area, which includes the previously mentioned
church site, “Við Kirkjugarð”. The archaeological
record from the area leaves us with an impression of
a high-status Faroese community with strong links
to the outside world.
Settlement Chronology
A recurring issue in the debate regarding the
earliest settlement (landnám) of the Faroes has been
the related questions of when did the first settlers
arrive and where did they come from. This was
also the subject of my master’s thesis in medieval
archaeology in 1986 (Arge 1990). At that time, I had
to conclude that, based on the available evidence, it
was not possible to trace the oldest settlement of the
Faroes any further back than about the year 1000,
or in broad terms to the Late Viking/Early Medieval
period (Arge 1991:114, 1991:fig. 5). However,
referring to the lack of sufficient analyses of the
archaeological data at the time, I suggested that
one or two of the sites treated in the thesis—“Niðri
á Toft” in Kvívík, for example—might be dated
somewhat earlier. Even so, evidence for earlier (pre-
1000) occupation was lacking, despite the presence
of (limited) radiocarbon data (Arge 1991:table 1).
Until recently, radiocarbon dating in the Faroes has
been used to support traditional typological dating.
Despite the fact that a few of these radiocarbon dates
turned out to be a bit “too old”, most were consistent
with the established archaeological chronology.
This approach has begun to change in recent
years, however, with several interesting studies
making more prominent use of radiocarbon dating
in their analyses. There have historically been two
different “camps” of researchers using radiocarbon
dating to investigate the timing of the earliest settlement
of the Faroes: the archaeological one, using radiocarbon
to supplement traditional archaeological
dating methods, and the paleobotanical one, using
radiocarbon to date the onset of human impacts on
vegetation. Interestingly enough, these two camps
have been very divided over the years, largely failing
to communicate effectively with each other. For
instance, radiocarbon dates from the paleobotanical
investigations of so-called “ancient” or “Celtic”
fields indicated pre-Viking settlement activity in the
6th–8th centuries (Jóhansen 1971, 1979). These dates
are controversial, however, contrasting sharply with
the archaeological evidence (Edwards and Borthwick
2010a). Radiocarbon dates from archaeological
investigations, on the other hand, have usually
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early Viking settlement starting sometime between
the 7th and 9th centuries (Ballin Smith 2007:294,
2013:229–230).
I will end this paper by referring to yet another
set of dates which resulted from the 2006–2007 excavations
at the site of “Á Sondum”. As mentioned
earlier, the excavations investigated the remains of
a Viking longhouse, one of the earliest-dated Viking
longhouses yet investigated in the Faroes. This
longhouse and associated external midden deposits
were found to truncate an extensive wind-blown
sand deposit, which contained patches of burnt peat
ash of anthropogenic origin. Carbonized barley
grains from two of these ash deposits provided four
radiocarbon dates. These dates strongly suggest
two separate episodes of settlement at the site—one
within the 4th–6th centuries and a second one within
the 6th–8th centuries AD. The majority of this settlement
was likely subsequently destroyed by the
construction of the later Viking longhouse (Fig. 11;
the previously-mentioned excavations in the church
yard in Sandur, “Við Kirkjugarð” (Fig. 10; Arge and
Friel 2009). Two radiocarbon dates obtained from a
semi-circular black/burnt pit feature within the 5 x
5 m structure suggest that the material within the pit
was deposited at some point between the end of the
7th century and the end of the 9th century (see Fig. 9;
Arge et al., forthcoming).
The employment of more intensive radiocarbon
dating strategies in modern excavations in the Faroes
has gradually pushed the dates for the initial
Viking settlement back in time, as clearly illustrated
in Table 1. These recent data, together with the
results of past palynological and paleobotanical
studies, force us to reconsider the traditional landám
chronology for the Faroes. Furthermore, these dates
might be considered in light of some radiocarbon
dates obtained in recent investigations at the cemetery
at Norwick, Unst, as well as at the site of Old
Scatness, Dunrossness, in Shetland, likely indicating
Figure 8. “Undir Keisarafløtti,” Norðragøta. Investigation of Viking remains on the beach 1952. Photograph © J. Rasmussen.
Journal of the North Atlantic
S.V. Arge
2014 Special Volume X
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Figure 9. Radiocarbon dates from recent excavations in the Faroes.
Church et al. 2013). These early dates pose new
questions regarding the early history of the Faroes.
Neither structures nor artifacts were associated
with the early dated deposits. Nevertheless, the
traditional fuel-procurement method as well as the
processing of barley clearly indicate human activity
at the site, including some form of settlement—
not necessarily permanent. A few pieces of charred
Journal of the North Atlantic
S.V. Arge
2014 Special Volume X
13
Figure 10. The church site in Sandur, “Við Kirkjugarð.” In the foreground, the excavated early Viking structural remains in
the extended churchyard; in the background, across the bay, the early settlement site of “Á Sondum”. Photograph © R. Friel.
Journal of the North Atlantic
S.V. Arge
2014 Special Volume X
14
barley do not tell us anything about the ethnicity
of those who left these traces, however, nor where
these people came from; these are questions for further
research. Despite a clear lack of existing corroborating
archaeological evidence in the Faroes,
we must be open to re-evaluating the archaeological
record. Also necessary will be the retrieval of
additional samples from other archaeological sites
in the islands.
The Faroes were the first stepping-stone for the
Viking diaspora across the North Atlantic, a process
that culminated in the first European discovery of
continental North America in the 11th century A.D.
The main settlement event in the Faroes has hitherto
been believed to be the arrival of the Vikings in the
9th century, as represented by extensive archaeological
evidence. Our new data radically alter the
timeline for this colonization!
Acknowledgments
For fruitful collaboration and inspiring discussions, I
would like to thank all my colleagues in the Heart of the
Atlantic Project, especially Steve Dockrill, Julie Bond,
Robert Friel of the University at Bradford; Mike Church
at Durham University; and Tom McGovern and Seth
Brewington at CUNY; as well as colleagues within the
Landscapes Circum-Landnám Project, especially Kevin
J. Edwards at Aberdeen University, Andy Dugmore at
Edinburgh University, and Ian Simpson at Stirling University,
as well as Helgi D. Michelsen and Hákun Andreasen
at the museum in Tórshavn. Thanks also to Mike
Church for helping produce Figure 10. Further, I would
like to thank the funding bodies—the Faroese Research
Foundation, the Anadarko Faroes Company, BP Amoco
Exploration Ltd. (Faroes), and US National Science
Foundation—for much appreciated financial support
over the years.
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